CYBERJOURNAL FOR PENTECOSTAL-CHARISMATIC RESEARCH #15

Dynamics of Ministry Training and Ministry Opportunities for Charismatic Women: Socio-historical Perspective of Wesleyan, Pentecostal, and Holiness Women in Ministry in the Nineteenth- and Twentieth-Century U.S.

 

by Dr. Heather Ann Ackley and Annette McCabe

 

Introduction

This article will explore the challenge faced by women in the United States who are accepted for professional ministerial training in undergraduate Christian Ministries programs, ministry internships, seminaries, and denominational ordination programs but denied primary roles as pastors once educated and ordained. 

 

Women and Ministerial Training: A Historical Overview

Since the early twentieth century, evangelical Protestant women in the United States, particularly those associated with the Salvation Army, Church of the Nazarene, and other Wesleyan/Holiness denominations, have been instrumental in world missions and in ministry and Christian education in the United States.[1] After having learned the local language of what is today Nigeria and becoming a teacher there, Mary Slessor (1848-1915)  began to operate her own mission in 1880, combining religious instruction, medical aid, and advocacy for orphans & abandoned children. Lottie Moon (1840-1912) was an educator, evangelist, and advocate of women’s ministry who arrived in China in 1873 as a Southern Baptist missionary. Moon’s missionary work had an even greater effect in the U.S than in China: Her 1888 fundraising appeal led to the formation of the Southern Baptists’ Women Missionary Union and in 1918, she helped establish the Southern Baptists’ annual offering for missions.[2]

Women’s participation in ministry in the early twentieth century is understandable given the fact that, according to religious scholar Gary Dorrien, “The Holiness movements had been the first to ordain women to the preaching ministry.”[3]  Phoebe Palmer (1807-1874) began her ministry in 1835 with her Tuesday Meetings for the Promotion of Holiness and became known as "The Mother of the Holiness Movement.” Catherine Booth (1829-1890) also founded a major evangelical movement with her husband, the Christian Revival Association in 1865 and the Salvation Army in 1878. Due to her husband’s chronic illness, she took over his preaching duties. Church historian Richard Riss reports that “her last sermon was delivered to an audience of 50,000 people.”[4]  Carrie Judd Montgomery, a healing evangelist, “became a founding member, along with A. B. Simpson, of the Christian and Missionary Alliance in 1887. She later became a part of the Pentecostal revival and was ordained a minister by the Assemblies of God in 1917, continuing in ministry until 1946.”[5]

In the 19th century, even those who did not accept women as pastors tended to accept women’s public speaking & moral leadership in Christian social reform movements because of their role & authority as Christian mothers.  For example, though Frances Willard (1839-98) published an 1888 book in defense of women’s ministry called Woman in the Pulpit, she was best known as the president of the Women's Christian Temperance Union.[6] A hundred years ago, such women even founded, presided over, and taught at evangelical institutions of higher learning, some of which are still operating today. Willard herself was president of Northwestern University. Our own Azusa Pacific University began in 1899 as the “Training School for Christian Workers,” a Bible college to train women for missions. This was the first Bible college founded on the West Coast,” and was headed by a woman “principal,” Mary A. Hill.[7]

According to Riss, “The success of Phoebe Palmer's informal meetings encouraged other women to conduct the same type of ministry, and dozens of them sprang up throughout North America. These meetings brought together Christians of many denominations under the leadership of women, particularly among Methodists, Congregationalists, Episcopalians, Baptists, and Quakers.”[8] For example, in 1933, 20.2% of the credentialed or ordained ministers in the Church of the Nazarene (CotN) were women.[9] Among the most prominent women ministers of this era were Aimee Semple McPherson, who founded the FourSquare Gospel denomination and was the first woman in history to preach over the radio in 1924; Mary Baker Eddy, who founded the Church of Christ, Scientist and the Pulitzer Prize-winning newspaper The Christian Science Monitor; and Kathryn Kuhlman, ordained in the Evangelical Church Alliance, who founded and pastored the Denver Revival Tabernacle in the 1930s and achieved fame as a radio evangelist in the mid-1940s. “Many people were healed with notable miracles at her meetings beginning in 1947, and she gained a reputation as one of the world's outstanding healing evangelists, carrying on as a leading figure during the charismatic movement until her death in 1976.”[10]

However, as these movements and institutions founded by Christian women in ministry grew and as evangelicalism began to be influenced by dispensational premillennialism, Princeton conservatism and fundamentalism, women's administrative and academic leadership was restricted.[11] For example, as of 2000, only about three percent of Nazarene senior pastors worldwide were women, and APU has had only male presidents since it became a four-year degree-granting college.[12]  “The social and political radicalism of the Wesleyan movements in particular became an embarrassment to later fundamentalists.”[13] In his ground-breaking 1976 study Discovering an Evangelical Heritage, Donald Dayton (of our own Haggard School of Theology) observed that “many of his friends hid the fact that their mothers or grandmothers had served as ministers in an earlier phase of American evangelical history, as if it were too shameful or abnormal to acknowledge.”[14] Past ratios of women in ministry must also be interpreted in light of the differences between past and present ordination practices.  The current practice of “licensing or ordaining children's pastors, worship ministers, Christian education pastors and various other associate pastor positions, categories filled more frequently by women than by men,” does not help fill the gap between present and past opportunities for women to minister. In the 1930s, when there were actually more ordained women pastors in Wesleyan and Holiness churches than there are now, “men and women were ordained only to preach (which is now considered the role of senior pastors) or to be missionaries. All of the associate pastor duties [listed above] usually were performed by lay folk.”[15]

Women and Ministerial Training: A Sociological Overview

 

At Emory University’s Candler School of Theology, the ratio of women to men has consistently been 51-52% to 49-48% for the last several years, according to A.J. Moore Associate Professor of Evangelism Stephen Gunter.[16] Our own seminary offers a non-degreed training certificate program called “Christian Women in Leadership” to see women "advanced as ministers and ambassadors of Christ.” Classes meet in local churches, leading to a certificate in Christian Leadership for those who complete five courses in two years.[17] The Haggard School of Theology also had a Council for Women in Ministry throughout the 1990s. The program’s focus and method was not on “justifying or arguing a woman's right to minister” but rather on having women already in ministry mentoring younger women “to clarify the biblical basis for a woman's role in ministry and to equip, empower, and energize women in ministry. The results were extremely effective and we fulfilled a unique niche in the academic community.”[18] 

However, in general, only 33% of all seminary students in 1997 were women according to the Association of Theological Schools.  By 2001, the number had grown but was still only 35.1%. In Master of Divinity programs, the ratio of women to men enrolled is even lower: In 1997, only 29% of M.Div. students were women. By 2001, that number had grown to only 31.2%[19] By the end of the 1970s, when most seminaries had begun to admit women, the numbers of clergy began to grow for the first time in decades.  “However, most of the growth in seminary enrollments was occurring in specialized ministry programs rather than in training for traditional pastoral duties in congregations.”[20] Thus, in spite of the increased female presence on college campuses and seminaries, women do not seem to be pursuing either ordination/parish ministry or doctoral education in the same numbers as men.

Table 1. Seminary Enrollments

 

Women may be somewhat better represented in undergraduate Christian ministries programs, however—particularly in lower-level Associate’s degree programs.  The U.S. Department of Education reported that its more than 6,600 Title IV-participating, degree-granting member institutions granted 636 Associate’s degrees in Theological Studies/Religious Vocations in 1999-2000, 281 of them to women. These institutions conferred a total of 6,809 Bachelor’s degrees in Theological Studies/Religious Vocations to 4,791 men and 2,018 women. Thus, while 44.1% of those graduating with an Associate’s degree in theology or ministry were women, only 29.6% of those who earned a Bachelor’s degree in those fields were women.[21] Percentages of women in undergraduate ministry programs vary widely by institution and cultural group. For example, 117 students are currently majoring in Azusa Pacific University’s undergraduate Christian Ministries degree program.  Approximately 53% of these are women.[22] In 2002, Malone College had 115 students in Christian Ministries, 47% of whom were women.[23] Of Campbell University’s 74 majors in Bachelor of Arts program in Religion and Christian Ministries, 46% are women.[24]  However, in Fall 2002, Lee University School of Religion’s Department of Christian Ministries had 365 majors, with only 33% being females. Further, as Dean Terry L. Cross reports, “The majority of our female students enter the ISP [Intercultural Studies Program] or CE [Christian Education] and Children’s Ministry. The least are in Pastoral Ministry (3.9%).”[25]

 

Table 2. Undergraduate Ministerial Training Enrollments

 

Women students have few women mentors or role models on the faculties of these institutions. At Point Loma Nazarene University Religion and Philosophy department, there is only one female professor.[26]  At Church of Christ-affiliated Pepperdine University, as of 1997, there were no female public religious leaders and only two women on the entire faculty who were both Church of Christ members and tenured.[27] This is a significant concern, since the pedagogical model of equipping and mentoring seems to be especially effective for the female majority on Christian campuses and for women in ministry in particular. While women and men surveyed cited the influence of male seminary faculty and administrators on their decision to become ordained and enter seminary about equally (women 57%, men 51%), women clergy cited other women clergy (66%) and women seminary faculty or administrators (56%) as equally or more important. (Few male clergy, on the other hand, reported that women clergy (16%) or women faculty and administrators (21%) influenced their decision to be ordained or enter seminary.)[28] As one female undergraduate Biblical Studies student observes, “Women should step up in church leadership in order to give adequate spiritual support to the entire church body. It's kind of like a parenting relationship…. It's comforting to know that there are other women who have gone through the process of education and ordination.”[29]

According to the Association of Theological Schools, “The number of women teaching at [the 224] ATS institutions increased by 20.24% since 1997, from 593 to 713. For the five-year period from 1997 to 2001, the number of women faculty has shown steady increases. Women now constitute 21.53% of all faculty members.”[30] One reason for the lack of equal gender representation on university and seminary faculties is that (as in most academic fields), there are not an equal number of male and female applicants (nor even potential applicants) with terminal degrees. As one church history professor who has worked at both an evangelical and a secular university observes, women who are both qualified for and interested in working on the faculty of an evangelical college, university or seminary may not stay as long due to difficulties with placement and promotion at evangelical universities, since the faculty evaluation process at most such institutions heavily weights Christian service, an area from which women are often excluded by gender.  When Christian service is a factor in promotion and evaluation and a requirement for tenure, male faculty can cite preaching and church leadership positions as accomplishments in this area.  In many evangelical communities, however, women are not even allowed to preach or hold church leadership positions.  The kinds of service women are allowed to contribute to the church generally does not count or have the same value in faculty hiring and promotion decisions.[31]

Paradoxically, “tokenism” may be another factor keeping women away from teaching religion at evangelical institutions.  When the first woman to hold a full-time position in religion or theology at Pepperdine University (or any Church of Christ school) was invited to apply and hired, her dean actually introduced her to her colleagues as the “token” woman in the department at the opening faculty reception.  However, she was also told not to align herself with other women on campus interested in women’s issues and not to focus on woman and religion (her area of scholarly specialization) in her teaching. “They wanted me because I was a woman, but they didn’t want me to do anything related to being a woman.”[32]

Even more serious than the absence of faculty role models is the absence of ministry jobs. In Protestant denominations today, women account for about 10 percent of the clergy.[33] Though 71% of women and 77% of men graduating from seminary hope and expect to find jobs in parish ministry, only 57% of ordained women have regular, paid work in a congregation, compared to 75% of ordained men. 18% of ordained women have a denominational position, but outside the church--as seminary faculty member, chaplain, counselor, denominational executive or denominational staff professional.  Only 11% of ordained men work in these capacities. 16% of ordained women have no regular paid church work at all, compared to only 9% of ordained men. 20% of ordained women reported that they could not get a parish position in their area because their denomination was unsupportive, in contrast to only 11% of ordained men.[34]

 

See Appendix A. Table 3. Expectations vs. Employment

 

At least one leader of the women’s ministerial training program at APU has questioned the evangelical educational ethics “of training a woman in our seminary or encouraging a woman to pursue full-time ministerial goals as a religion major, only to have them find out that there is nothing substantial in our evangelical community to give them a professional outlet for their degree…. There is something paradoxical about recruiting students to become leaders in the area of theology and religion when there is very little hope of successful placement on the other end--a futile degree of sorts.”[35] An undergraduate Christian Ministries alumna, currently substitute teaching in a public school, agrees:

As I searched the web and Christian job sites for jobs in the last five months, I continued to be surprised by how many jobs at great sounding churches were looking only for male applicants…. At this point, with dozens of resumes out and posted and little response, God and I have decided to change tracks, and I'm considering public school teaching….I know I'm not abandoning ministry by any means to consider the public school system, but I have had to walk through a good bit of disillusionment.[36]

Women already in the field are so aware of the challenges of finding a position that 68% of women pastors believe that they would have difficulty finding an equivalent or better placement due to their gender.  (In contrast, only 9% of men thought their gender would have a negative impact on their potential to find another ministry job.)[37]

Another factor women ministerial students may have to consider is a lack of support for their call or abilities by other students, parents, ministry colleagues, and ministry supervisors.  According to Barbara Brown Zikmund’s 1997 comprehensive study on women in ministry, 21% of male clergy oppose the ordination of women and only 45% are sure they support it.  In contrast, only 8% of women in ministry oppose ordination of more women, and 72% actively support it.[38] For example, in one ministry and theology instructor’s classes, “the female students tend to argue against the notion of a female pastor or other forms of ‘professional clergy’ that involve female leaders” while the males argue “that they cannot be ‘taught’ by a woman.”[39] However, one church history and ministry instructor, who is also an ordained woman minister, has noticed a shift toward greater conservatism among students in her classes over the last two years, she finds the majority to favor some measure of women's roles in ministry.  Over her six years of teaching two classes per semester in which she explicitly addressed the issue of women in ministry, she estimates that about a fourth to a third of her students “believed that women could fulfill any role in ministry including senior pastor, and 5/8 believed women could fulfill any other leadership role.  Only about 1/8 of the students felt women should only teach other women and children.”[40] 31% of male pastors interviewed by Zikmund didn’t even think their congregation should appoint or elect an equal number of laywomen and laymen on the parish governing board. (Only 13% of women pastors disagreed with such parity.) 60% of women pastors thought boards should be gender-balanced, while only 42% of male clergy agreed.[41]

In Zikmund’s survey, women ministers consistently reported receiving less support and more opposition from parents than their male colleagues. (The question appeared in several different forms during the survey.) Likewise, women reported feeling less supported by local pastors than male pastors did. For example, 28% of male clergy said their local pastors was crucial to their becoming ordained while only 19% of women concurred. However, more women than men felt supported by regional and denominational executives.[42]  One seminary student at San Francisco’s Graduate Theological Union testifies, “Looking back, I can see how the gendering of God created many hurdles for me, how the expectation that preachers are men slowed me from answering God’s call. I have faced a great deal of gender (we used to call it sexual) discrimination and harassment.”[43] Even undergraduate women in ministry and other religion majors are frustrated by this perceived lack of support. One Biblical Studies major explains, “It's hard feeling a calling on your life and then believing (because you were taught) that you're not allowed to fulfill it.”[44]

Table 4. Perceived Impact of Gender on Ministry Opportunities

 

Institutions for Christian ministerial training can be supportive in practical as well as spiritual ways for such women. For example, Point Loma Nazarene University paid all expenses for more than a dozen women to attend the Wesleyan/Holiness Women’s Clergy Conference in 2002.[45] During the six years that one instructor taught a ministry course required for all university undergraduates, she included a section on Women in Ministry every semester, beginning with “a survey regarding the top limit of what they felt a woman's role in ministry entailed and then followed with a discussion on the three primary views of women's roles in ministry (complementarian, biblical egalitarian, and religious feminist).  With each view, I gave the theological basis, strengths, and weaknesses.”[46]  Overall, she describes her experience as positive.  “I found the students very receptive…. there was always one student about once a year who complained on my [teaching evaluations] that they didn't like talking about women in ministry, but most seemed to interact well.”[47]

 

Related issues

Women who do find employment in ministry are frequently relegated to secondary roles (working only with youth and children), to couples' ministry, or to alternative churches (house churches, for example), which both male and female pastors overwhelmingly agree receive less recognition than full-time parish ministry (83% of the women and 75% of the men agreed).[48]   Barbara Brown Zikmund, President of Hartford Seminary is co-author of the largest study ever conducted to date on women clergy in America. After having conducted nearly five thousand surveys among sixteen Protestant denominations, plus hundreds of in-depth personal interviews, she observes, “Women clergy have greater difficulty in finding employment, they are more likely to be part-time, and even when their experience and qualifications match those of male clergy in the same denomination and in the same positions, they still average 9 percent less in salary.”[49] According to Zikmund, Lummis and Chang’s study, after their ordination, 36-39% of women worked as human services and health professionals (nurses, social workers, pharmacists); teachers or educators; and counselors or therapists. In contrast, only 24-26% of men worked in these fields after their ordination. (Only 15% of women and 11% of men reported graduating from seminary wanting to work in such jobs.) On the other hand, it should be noted that 10-18% of men work as manual or blue collar laborers after ordination, whereas only 5-8% of women do.  In all other non-church occupations, percentages of men and women’s post-ordination employment was about the same.[50]

Table 5. Post-seminary Employment

 

Women pastors sometimes have a different set of challenges balancing ministry and family obligations than their male counterparts do. 70% of ordained women affirmed that they were presently working regularly for pay in a non-parish specialized ministry setting rather than in a parish because it gave them more flexibility to schedule family and personal time, as did 64% of ordained men. However women’s choice to put their ministry careers second to the career of their husbands may have a negative impact on their ability to fulfill their call and use their gifts. 32% of ordained women reported that they took non-parish ministry jobs because they could not get a parish position in their area and were not geographically mobile, while only 14% of ordained men cited this factor for working outside the parish. 66% of women who reported geographical restraints as a major difficulty in finding ministry jobs explained that they had to find a job within commuting distance from home because of a spouse's work or children's school, while only 38% of the men cited this factor.  For men who cited geographical restraints in ministry job-seeking, the major factor was simply that they didn’t want to move because they liked the area where they currently lived (62% of the men vs. 33% of the women).

Table 6. Ordained Clergy’s Reasons for Non-parish Employment

 

      About 30% of the ordained women surveyed were part of a pastoral couple, as compared to about 8% of ordained men. 91% of women pastors told Zikmund that they anticipated they would have difficulty if they tried to find another ministry position due to marital factors (12% of these were divorced and 79% were part of a clergy couple). 68% of men in ministry reported such concerns, however 28% of them were concerned about divorce while only 40% of them were concerned because they were part of a clergy couple. (Interestingly, the rate of divorce after ordination is much higher among male pastors than among women: 67% of divorced male pastors were divorced after ordination, compared to only 35% of divorced women pastors.) Among pastors who expect difficulty finding another job, 32% of men compared to only 7% of women reported their homosexuality as a concern. While both men and women pointed to their need for extra time to raise their young children as a potential hiring obstacle in about equal numbers (83-86%), only 48% of women pastors had been raising children under the age of ten during their full-time ministry, compared to 89% of the men. Of those who did have small children at home, only 18% of the women pastors described it as “relatively easy,” compared to 42% of the men.  44% of the women in full-time ministry who were also raising young children also described themselves as their children’s primary caregiver, in contrast to only 4% of the men. 71% of the men agreed that their wives were the children’s primary caregivers.[51]

 

See Appendix A. Table 7. Marriage, Family & Sexual Orientation as Challenges to Parish Employment

 

Women pastors who are single also seem to have a different set of experiences than single male pastors. While 37% of the men surveyed said being a pastor had a positive effect on their general social life, only 18% of the women could agree. 14% of the women thought it actually had a negative impact on their social life, while only 6% of the men had that experience. In terms of opportunities for developing a sustained intimate relationship, 22% of men thought being a pastor was a plus while only 9% of women could agree.  61% of single women in ministry found being a pastor to have a negative effect on their opportunities for developing such a relationship, in contrast with 46% of men. These single pastors cited different reasons for their difficulties.  While men were frustrated by not being able to conduct relationships openly due to “the fishbowl effect” of the ministry, women reported the simple fact that they were a clergywoman as being the most significant obstacle in their private life. [52]

Table 8. Impact of Being a Pastor on Singles’ Social Life & Opportunities for Intimacy

Though issues of culture and race affect views of women and women in ministry, Zikmund’s research focused almost exclusively on ministers who describe themselves as “Anglo.” 95% of the respondents were white.[53] The Association of Theological Schools’ Factbook for 2001-2002 reports that at the 224 member institutions, the “number of racial/ethnic students increased 23.91% over the five-year period from 1997 to 2001 while the number of White students increased 6.82% over the same period…. Racial/ethnic faculty now constitute 12.86% of all faculty members at ATS institutions. This percentage has grown 2.73% in the past five years, up from 10.14% in 1997.” [54]

The percentage of women enrolled in Master of Divinity programs differs greatly among cultural groups.  Consistently from 1997 to 2001, the percentage has been lowest among non-resident aliens (16.2%), then Asians (19.4%), Hispanics (21.6%), and Whites (30.2%). However, among Native Americans and Blacks, the percentage of women and men in Master of Divinity programs is nearly equal (42.8 and 49.3% respectively).[55]  While the percentage of women enrolled in seminary increases slightly when other degree programs are included, these cultural groups still fall into the same order in terms of supporting women’s ministerial or theological training.[56]  This order changes with regard to Associate’s degrees in Theological Studies/Religious Vocation as follows: American Indian/Alaskan Native (no women); Asian or Pacific Islanders remains low (25.1% women), Hispanics (40% women), White/Non-Hispanic (44.1% women), Black/Non-Hispanic (49.1% women), and Non-resident alien (74% women).  However, in most cultural groups, the percentages of women earning bachelor’s degrees in theology and ministry are about the same as they are in relation to the Master of Divinity: Non-resident alien 24.7%, White (Non-Hispanic) 28.7%, Hispanic 29.1%, Black (Non-Hispanic) 41.6%, Asian/Pacific Islander 41.6%, American Indian/Alaskan Native 42.8%.[57] Further study of this issue is recommended.

Table 9. Enrollment in Ministerial Training by Gender, Cultural Group & Degree 2000-2001: Cultural groups are organized in a general pattern from the widest gender gaps (left) to the greatest gender equality (right)

 

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