Home Up IPHC 1896 Revival

 

 

INTERNATIONAL PENTECOSTAL HOLINESS CHURCH

by

Dr. Harold D. Hunter (1)


One must step back into the 19th century to start the pilgrimage of the denomination known as the International Pentecostal Holiness Church. The story of this church takes in both the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church (FBHC) with origins in Iowa in 1896 and the Pentecostal Holiness Church (PHC) of North Carolina founded by A.B. Crumpler.


FIRE-BAPTIZED HOLINESS CHURCH


It was through the ministrations of the Iowa Holiness Association that Benjamin Harden Irwin was won to the holiness ranks. Unsatisfied as a lawyer, B.H. Irwin then decided to enter the ministry and was ordained by the Baptist Church. In the early 1890s, Irwin came into contact with one of the "Bands" of the Iowa Holiness Association and was convinced about the reality of the second blessing. The Iowa group formed in 1879. (2)

Irwin devoured the works of John Wesley, but became more interested in John Fletcher, Wesley's successor in the English Methodist Societies. Irwin was especially impressed with John Fletcher's Checks to Antinomianism. According to his reading of Fletcher, many early English Methodists testified to an experience beyond salvation and sanctification which they called "the baptism of burning love."

Should you ask, how many baptisms, or effusions of the sanctifying Spirit are necessary to cleanse ... I should betray a want of modesty if I brought the Holy Ghost ... under a rule ... if two or more be necessary, the Lord can repeat them. (3)

Published in Way of Faith by 1895, Irwin constructed the doctrine of a "third blessing" for those who had already been sanctified. This was the baptism of the Holy Ghost and with fire, or simply the baptism of fire. This would be the enduement of power from on high through the Holy Spirit. (4)

Setting aside the Way of Faith and The Guide, J.H. King declared that Irwin's 1899 Live Coals of Fire was the first publication in the nation to teach that the baptism of the Holy Ghost and fire was subsequent to sanctification. While perhaps not imitating the exact turn of phrase, other North Americans preceded Irwin in this basic concept. (5)

In 1895 the controversy in Iowa over the new doctrine [Irwin's third blessing] became so heated that Reid and the older leadership of the Iowa Holiness Association invited Irwin and his followers to disassociate themselves from the organization. Irwin then quickly formed local chapters of Fire Baptized Holiness Association to counter the negative influence of the older group. The first state association was effected at Olmitz, Iowa in 1896/7. (6)

A call was made for a general council of his organization to meet July 28 to August 8, 1898 in Anderson, South Carolina. Irwin designated the Anderson meeting the First General Council of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Association. The government was a totally centralized autocracy with the General Overseer chosen for life. He in turn had absolute power to appoint all state "Ruling Elders," as well as to make all pastoral appointments. (7)

J.H. King would later describe Irwin as a man of brilliant intellectual powers, a magnetic personality, an ardent nature, a bold, fearless soul and a disposition which made it natural and easy for him to throw himself whole-heartedly into any task he might choose to undertake. (8)

Campbell (9) mentions that Irwin being General Overseer for life was included in the discipline passed by the 1898 conference. Although he knew J.H. King served as General Superintendent of the PHC for over 30 years, Campbell struggles with "why any intelligent group would have agreed to it," and then reasons that they had simply become accustomed to Irwin running things this way and felt it quite natural.

The following was included in the Constitution:

We believe also that the baptism of the Holy Ghost is obtainable by a definite act of appropriating faith on the part of the fully cleansed believer.
We believe also that the baptism with fire is a definite, scriptural experience, obtainable by faith on the part of the Spirit-filled believers.
We do not believe that the baptism with fire is an experience independent of, or disassociated from, the Holy Ghost. (10)

Irwin came to teach that beyond the baptism of fire there were other "fiery baptisms" which he designated by chemical names like dynamite, lyddite, and oxidite. The following is an account of a devotee who tried to relate the reception of at least six separate experiences:

August 1st, 1898, I was pardoned of my sins. On the following Sunday at 11 o'clock, God sanctified me wholly. A few days later I received the Comforter. Later on in October, God gave me the Baptism of fire. The devil, and all the hosts of hell cannot make me doubt this. When my sister Mattie was married I fell into a trance, and saw a vision. During services a night or so afterwards, God showed me that I needed more power for service; so I made my wants known and prayer being offered my faith took hold of God's promises, and I received the Dynamite. A few nights after this I received the definite experience of Lyddite. (11)

It is documented that Charles Fox Parham met up with Fire-Baptized enthusiasts in Topeka upon arriving in 1898 and encountered Irwin himself at some point before 1901. Mr. & Mrs. John Linhirt, Mary Linhirt, and Noah Hershey were part of Irwin's 1899 traveling party that accompanied him to the second general council of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Association (1899). (12) The first two issues of Live Coals of Fire described an 1899 crusade in Moonlight, Kansas hosted by local Fire-Baptized ministers which brought in Irwin, Martin, Porter, and Dull, among others. The initial report covered nearby Abilene. Irwin could have known about tongues-speech through at least Daniel Awrey, but too many gaps exist to detect particular scenarios. (13) Yet to be explored adequately is to what extent Agnes Ozman represents a synthesis of these same influences. Ozman-LaBerge evidenced at least a kinship to Frank Sandford by recounting her time with Dowie, classes at Nyack with Stephen Merritt and an evangelistic excursion into Old Orchard, Maine. This 1890s exposure preceded the rupture between Simpson and Sandford. Menzies argues that Ozman-LaBerge, who affiliated with the Fire-Baptized after Topeka, had Fire-Baptized contact prior to 1900. After her xenolalic pneumabaptism at Bethel Bible College, she was part of a group that started out for Shiloh, Maine but stopped short. (14)

In 1900 the news broke that Irwin had been leading a double life. J.H. King, then Ruling Elder of Ontario and pastor of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Association local church in Toronto, came to Lincoln for the purpose of assuming the editorship of Live Coals of Fire. Irwin voluntarily gave up and disappeared from FBH ranks. He later emerged as an active Pentecostal, presumably with a second wife while his first wife was still living. (15)

King called for a meeting of the general council which convened in Olmitz, Iowa, June 30 through July 2, 1900. King at age 31 was chosen as General Overseer. As in the prior case of Irwin, the appointment was made "during good behavior, i.e. for life." (16)

 

PENTECOSTAL HOLINESS CHURCH


Key here was A.B. Crumpler of Clinton, Sampson County, North Carolina. He was a member of the Clinton Methodist Episcopal Church, South, who did not receive the doctrine and experience of sanctification from his home church in North Carolina, but in Bismark, Missouri under the ministry of Beverly Carradine, D.D., during 1890. (17)

He engineered an organizational meeting on May 15, 1897 (18) at the Magnolia, North Carolina Methodist Church. About a score of ministers and several dozen laypersons gathered in this small town to organize the North Carolina Holiness Association.

Crumpler bitterly attacked the Methodist church. It is reported that at one time he gave the following description: "the old theater-going, whiskey-drinking, card-playing, tobacco-using, secret lodge-loving, oyster-frying, ice cream supper, dancing church." (19) And apparently when he preached, his sermons were heard loud and clear. A later head of the PHC, A.H. Butler, described Crumpler as an outstanding orator who seemed to be endowed with an unusual unction and his voice could be heard on a clear night for a distance of 3½ to 4 miles. (20)

Crumpler printed his criticism in his The Holiness Advocate, started April 15, 1901 in Lumberton, North Carolina. He was sensitive to charges against the holiness movement, especially in his area. Some of those reports were that these "sanctified preachers carried along women who were emotionally inclined, and when the preachers would slap their hands and jump into the air, these women would yell and scream at the top of their voice." "All of the leaders ... were accused of carrying some kind of magic powers ..." "They (also) said that nobody but poor white people and Negroes would have anything to do with such a religion." " ... and when a preacher started preaching against tobacco he had quit preaching and had gone to meddling ..." (21)

In response Crumpler wrote an article titled "The Church of the Holy Refrigerator." In it he quoted Methodist Episcopal Church Bishop Candler's remarks in which he ridiculed "perfect love" while "theatre-going, card-playing, godless church members showed their approval by laughing aloud, and to think Mr. Candler gets paid $3,500 per year to fight holiness." (22)

Accordingly, after a particularly successful campaign in Goldsboro, Crumpler, who had already officially separated himself from the Methodist church, decided to form a new independent congregation. In response to a call for organization, 13 people, four clergy, nine lay, banded themselves together on November 4, 1898 to form the new organization which they chose to call The Pentecostal Holiness Church. (23) They were not the only holiness group of the time to incorporate the word "pentecostal" into the name of their organization. But Crumpler rejoined the Methodist church, now as a layperson, and the local church eventually disbanded. (24)

Crumpler's desire to preach his view of Holiness again outweighed that of wanting to stay with the Methodist church so after a successful evangelistic campaign, he issued a call in the early part of 1900 for a meeting in Fayetteville, North Carolina to organize a new denomination. Some of the Goldsboro 1898 people were involved and the same name, Pentecostal Holiness Church, was chosen.

The first church was organized in Antioch, North Carolina, the second in Magnolia, North Carolina and the third and most important in early years was Goldsboro, North Carolina. It was the center of activity for the first seven years. It had a good size building (60x90) and its pastor was A.B. Crumpler who was also President of the Convention, and editor of the official paper.

The financial strain of the big building sent Crumpler to other churches raising money for Goldsboro. While he traveled, two consecutive preachers at Goldsboro preached hard on tobacco and divorce--at that time PHC restricted matters like these more for ministers than members--and before long the audience had diminished considerably. The outcome was that Quakers bought the building. (25)

Crumpler's new organization steadily grew, forming congregations in the small Piedmont communities south of Raleigh (34 by 1907) and holding yearly conventions. Other Methodist preachers switched their allegiance to the PHC, including prominent future leaders G.B. Cashwell, A.H. Butler, and George F. Taylor, who all joined in 1903. Divisive issues facing the new church were the continual opposition of area Methodists and internal disputes over tobacco and divorce regulations, as it sought to expand while remaining true to holiness ideals.

The convention which met in Magnolia, North Carolina in 1901 decided to change the name of the church. The problem was that many of the members wishing to save social embarrassment said simply "I am a member of the Pentecostal church" rather than including the word holiness. The official deletion of the word Pentecostal--opposed by Crumpler--was to insure that people were more straightforward about their commitment to holiness. In 1909 the word pentecostal was restored after embracing pentecostalism.

In the spring of 1906, a small African American religious group in Los Angeles experienced the phenomenon of speaking in tongues and initiated a religious revival that would have profound ramifications throughout the United States. Led by William J. Seymour, the revival at the Azusa Street mission ran virtually non-stop for over three years; individuals of diverse racial, religious, and regional identities visited and participated. (26) A number of religious groups from across the country, and especially the holiness congregations of the South, followed the Azusa proceedings with great interest, mainly through reports in the Apostolic Faith, Seymour's paper, and the Way of Faith, an influential holiness periodical published in Columbia, South Carolina. The Azusa mission's emphasis on divine faith healing and the imminent second coming of Christ matched major Southern holiness tenets. (27)

During the Azusa St. Revival it was Bartleman's 1906 reports in Pike's Way of Faith where Crumpler learned of the Pentecostal mission. A North Carolina holiness preacher in Crumpler's church, Gaston Barnabas Cashwell, traveled to Los Angeles and obtained the Pentecostal experience first-hand. The North Carolina revival that Cashwell initiated upon his return in the first days of 1907 quickly spread in the Southeast, while every major holiness denomination and most of their individual leaders and laypersons soon entered the Pentecostal fold. The Church of God in Christ took its cue from Charles H. Mason who had also gone to the Azusa St. Revival.

In late 1906, Cashwell arrived at the Azusa Street mission, having spent the six-day train journey in preparation, fasting, praying, and, by his own account, fighting the devil's resistance. Once on site, Cashwell had to overcome prejudice before seeking the Pentecostal experience. (28) Eventually he made progress, and after a five-day struggle he allowed Seymour and other worshipers to lay hands on him and pray for his Pentecost. In his account of the experience, Cashwell told of how "the Lord opened up the windows of heaven and the light of God began to flow over me in such power as never before." He subsequently spoke in unknown tongues and also was healed of rheumatism. After a hasty return to his hometown of Dunn, North Carolina, Cashwell rented a large building and announced plans for a new year's eve revival, to which he invited the ministers and laypeople of the PHC, the FBHC, and the holiness element of the Free-Will Baptists.

Thousands of people from North Carolina, and a number of holiness people from South Carolina and Georgia, attended the Dunn revival, which lasted for almost the entire month of January, 1907. Along with many laypersons, almost all of the ministers of the PHC, the FBHC, and the Free-Will Baptist Churches sought and accepted the Pentecostal experience. Cashwell preached Seymour's doctrine of speaking in tongues as the initial and essential evidence of the baptism of the Holy Spirit beyond sanctification, and most of the North Carolina holiness movement accepted the theological innovation.

Crumpler remained one of the few who refused to do so, making his opposition to Cashwell clear. Through his paper, the PHC leader criticized the excessive emotionalism of Pentecostal revivals and argued against the idea that tongues were essential to the baptismal experience, insisting instead that tongues-speech was just one of many gifts of the Spirit that could accompany baptism. But Crumpler was fighting a losing battle. In the same May 15, 1907, issue of the Holiness Advocate in which he unconditionally attacked the new doctrine, over a dozen testimonies from holiness people who had obtained or hoped soon to receive the tongues experience appeared, including one that scolded Crumpler for helping Satan and hurting God's work by denying the essentiality of tongues.

Cashwell's own revival efforts throughout the Southeast lasted for almost three years; he personally took the Pentecostal message to communities across North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, and Virginia. Cashwell reported frequently on his travels to Seymour in California, chronicling the number of those who had received the Pentecost and praising God that "Pentecost has come to the South. The power is falling from the Atlantic to the Mississippi River." Numerous other ministers converted through his ministry, including other PHC leaders, A.J. Tomlinson, J.H. King, and M. M. Pinson (who helped found the Assemblies of God in 1914), carried the Pentecostal message throughout the South as well.

In October of 1907, Cashwell published the first issue of The Bridegroom's Messenger out of Atlanta, which he edited for one year before resigning to concentrate fully on his evangelistic efforts. The periodical was designed to spread the Pentecostal message as widely as possible with its mixture of sermons, editorials, and reader testimonies from across the Southeast and even the country by those who had experienced the manifestation of tongues. By 1910, Cashwell had left the PHC and some wrote that he later sought to distance himself from Pentecostalism before his death from a heart related issues in 1916. No satisfactory explanation for his defection exists.

Some have suggested that Cashwell was disappointed at not being at the helm of the PHC while Joseph Campbell describes Cashwell as being temperamental. (29) Even though Cashwell was willing to apologize, such a trait would have contributed to the fact that Crumpler was thought by some to not have confidence in Cashwell. Not to be discounted, however, is the fact that Cashwell faced disillusionment from failed pentecostal expectations. Leading the list would be the delayed Second Coming and the failure of promised permanent xenolalia. Campbell, (30) however, judges, without documentation, Crumpler to have been justified in his views because "though Mr. Cashwell was for a period mightily used of God ... (he) did grievously fail God and bring reproach on the cause of the full gospel of Pentecostal Holiness."

In Crumpler's absence, most of his preachers received the experience and accepted Cashwell's doctrine of the initial-evidence. (31) Cashwell's original campaign in Dunn led to attacks by Crumpler in the official paper, The Holiness Advocate. Two parties developed in the church: pentecostal and non-pentecostal. This was an issue in the 1907 annual meeting with Crumpler, the president, leading the attack against the Pentecostal faction and vice-president A.H. Butler defending them. Crumpler and Butler were both re-elected and the issue was put off for another year.

The climatic battle occurred at the 1908 convention which met in Dunn, North Carolina on November 26, 1908 in the Holiness Tabernacle. Crumpler who had been unanimously re-elected there finally brought the matter to a head by walking out of the convention. Only a small portion of the church supported him. He was soon back in the Methodist Church where his ministerial credentials were restored in 1913 and he served many years as a supply pastor.(32)

The convention ended with A.H. Butler as the president and the church totally in the hands of the pentecostal preacher. Cashwell was named Chairman of Committees to examine applications for the ministry and to revise the Discipline. Further, Cashwell's Bridegroom's Messenger was adopted as the official organ of this church until further arrangements. A pentecostal view of Spirit baptism was incorporated into the Articles of Faith in 1908. Church of God in Christ did so in 1907 whereas the Church of God (Cleveland) did not print this in their General Assembly minutes until 1913. It was November 25, 1909 at Falcon, North Carolina that the church changed back to its original name, the Pentecostal Holiness Church.

J.H. King, (33) General Overseer of the FBHC, learned about the Azusa St. Revival while in Canada from a friend, Rev. A.H. Argue who would come to make a substantial contribution to the Assemblies of God. Argue told him about the revival and gave him a copy of Seymour's The Apostolic Faith. King put it away for later reading.

The Fire Baptized reaction was mixed. There was excitement among many Fire-Baptized to hear Cashwell. Several members from King's Toccoa, Georgia congregation went to Dunn where they, along with several more Fire-Baptized people, received the pentecostal experience.

King did not go to the meeting but at some point in January spent 10 days fasting for divine guidance. Apparently some in his congregation had already accepted the initial-evidence doctrine before he returned to his church or at least spoke favorably of it, and it was not tongues-speech itself but the initial-evidence doctrine that troubled him. King withstood Cashwell personally in private as well as publically during his first three days at Toccoa. King felt that he had bested the new doctrine at each confrontation. (34)

King put together an issue of Live Coals prior to Cashwell's arrival at Toccoa which included an article written by J. Hudson Ballard that refuted the initial-evidence doctrine. Attention was drawn to passages in Acts which refer to tongues in connection with Spirit baptism while other passages do not. Further, the article notes that tongues-speech is not mentioned as an evidence in the Epistles. Tongues could not be the exclusive evidence since this would exclude an untold number of Christians throughout church history from the blessing. The article points out that the group mentioned most in connection with tongues, the Corinthians, were barely saved, and certainly unsanctified. Lastly, if the gift were for all Christians it would have been included in the lists of spiritual gifts in Romans 12:6 and Ephesians 4:11. The study concluded that tongues should be used privately, that the church needs unction for evangelism instead of tongues, and that love is the chief evidence of the grace of God. (35)

On February 14, King made a study of key New Testament Greek words and to his surprise, found that his anti initial-evidence arguments were not supported by either Acts or the best commentators that he had at hand, especially Dean Alford's Critical Notes on the New Testament and Adam Clarke's Commentary. He was particularly impressed with the thought that when Acts 8 says Simon Magus "saw" that the Greek term idon can mean also "hear" so here Simon Magus must have heard speaking in tongues. Although Dean Alford would not support the idea of initial-evidence Spirit baptism (especially involving permanent xenolalia), he did argue that both the Ephesian Pentecost and this episode in Samaria included speaking in tongues. With his arguments now brushed aside, King that night sought for and received the pentecostal baptism and spoke with other tongues on February 15, 1907. (36)

In the April, 1908 Anderson, South Carolina meeting of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church the denomination changed the Basis of Union to incorporate the doctrine of pentecost "according to its scriptural aspect."

The PHC considered Cashwell's paper to be its semi-official organ during its early years. PHC ministers G.F. Taylor and A.H. Butler served as corresponding editors and major contributors, as did leaders of other denominations, including J.H. King and A.J. Tomlinson. While Cashwell was barnstorming the South, Taylor and Butler took over the local leadership of the PHC and--working closely with King and his FBHC organization--conducted further revivals, opened a holiness school in Falcon, and eventually oversaw a formal merger of the PHC and the FBHC in 1911. (37)

PHC adopted the widespread view that the movement that started with Azusa to be the "latter rain," a comparative reference to the "early rain" found in the book of Acts, when the Holy Spirit fell on the apostles at the first Pentecost and they spoke in various languages. With an introduction by J.H. King, G.F. Taylor published the first extended theological defense of Pentecostalism in 1907, and both men stressed that Pentecostalism and its central doctrine of tongues was the next stage in the continual quest for a more spiritual Christian life. For Taylor, the tenets of Pentecostalism were so important that it was worth dividing the holiness movement; the "most pious and deeply spiritual people of the land" were seeking their Pentecost, while holiness preachers who were jealous of their loss of prestige fought against it. Taylor considered religious criticism of Pentecostalism to be misguided and based on an erroneous interpretation of the Bible, and he denounced and dismissed such critics as being unwitting allies of the devil. Taylor wrote that "God, in His mercy, has enabled me to see the unscriptural teachings . . . appearing in the prominent holiness papers and . . . pulpits," and he proceeded to refute them point by Scriptural point. (38)

Taylor's judgments echoed those rendered by Cashwell in his Bridegroom's Messenger editorials. Cashwell claimed that Pentecostals followed the truth that could not be disproved based on the Scriptures, and he argued that the new movement had shown the unbelief and insincerity of a number of holiness leaders. Concerning the holiness and Methodist ministers who opposed Pentecostalism, Cashwell responded: "It is awful how the devil will work to destroy the Word of God but he can't do it." (39)

The sense of isolation from their communities pervaded the PHC, and the persecution that its ministers experienced did not only emanate from opposing pulpits. Cashwell wrote Seymour that "I have never met with such power of the devil as here" after a man threatened to kill him at a revival in Memphis. Other preachers told of having revival tents and church buildings burned in hostile communities. "Many of us are now suffering much persecution," reported Cashwell, "but our God is fighting our battles." The devil could be defeated--the man who threatened Cashwell's life later returned to seek the Pentecost. (40)

Subscription to premillennialism was the most prominent doctrinal belief for most North American Pentecostals after initial-evidence Spirit baptism, which was itself intricately wrapped up in their eschatological ideology. Pentecostal premillennialism taught that the world was getting progressively worse rather than better and that the second coming would precede the millennium during which Jesus and the saints would rule the earth. It would be difficult to overemphasize how central a role the expectation that Jesus would return at any moment played for early Pentecostals; the theme dominated their periodicals, sermons, testimonies, and theological tracts. Through the Apostolic Faith, Seymour constantly disseminated premillennialist doctrine. The first issue of his paper announced the return of the apostolic Pentecost to Azusa, rejoicing that the fight against "sin and Satan" was almost over and the time when the holy and meek would rule the earth in the millennium was at hand. The Azusa group also made an explicit connection between the date when they began speaking in tongues and the almost simultaneous earthquake that devastated San Francisco, interpreting both to signify that the end of times was near. (41)

The Pentecostal people of North Carolina did not have to be convinced that the latter rain signaled the imminent millennium. Premillennialism had been one of Crumpler's central doctrines from the earliest days of the state's holiness movement. In 1902, Mrs. J. C. Kinaman wrote to the Holiness Advocate that she was "watching and waiting for His coming," and Mrs. Emma Lent contributed a poem entitled "The Master is Coming." Crumpler responded to these and other offerings that "the postmillennialists teach that the world is growing better all the time, and not the premillennialists. . . . The Advocate is a premillennialist, of course." (42)

G.F. Taylor's 1908 theological tract was heavily concerned with the relationship between tongues and the second coming, which he explicitly linked by calling speaking in tongues the "unceasing call for the coming of the Bridegroom." Additionally, the very name Cashwell chose for his paper directly connoted both the return of Christ and the paper's conscious role as its forerunner. According to the Biblical parable in the gospel of Matthew, Jesus is the bridegroom who will return to his bride, the church, at the final marriage supper that will usher in the millennium. (43)

Not surprisingly, Cashwell fully embodied the state of expectancy in which early Pentecostals lived. In a letter to Azusa, he rejoiced that "He is coming soon, and the bride must be dressed and ready. . . . Heaven seems nearer every day. I hear the music. I see the city. Glory be to God." Cashwell also reported that an angel had told a fellow Pentecostal whom he considered trustworthy that "it will not be long." In the inaugural issue of his paper, Cashwell announced that his goal was for God to announce on the day of judgment that the Bridegroom's Messenger had warned the world to be prepared for Christ's return. The periodical stressed the imminence of Christ's return in almost every issue, and the people who wrote in with testimonies shared these sentiments. (44)

The PHC believed not only that Christ's return was at hand but also that their own actions could push the date even closer. Because they believed that God was waiting for the gospel to be spread more extensively throughout the world before initiating the second coming, Pentecostals placed heavy emphasis on missions both at home and abroad. In 1909, with a sense of urgency undoubtedly exacerbated by God's three-year delay since Azusa, Cashwell wrote: "There is no time to lose. . . . This is the last call. . . . For our sakes, He will shorten the time of the coming of Jesus. . . . The quicker we complete this [spreading the gospel], the more will be saved and the sooner Jesus will come." In his theological discourse, Taylor asserted that God had bestowed the gift of tongues in order that Pentecostals might quickly spread the gospel throughout the world. (45)

The missionary impulse manifest itself early. Frank R. Porter, who served as FBH Ruling Elder for Tennessee, and W.B. Martin made plans in 1899 to go to Africa. In December 1899, John Dull, Sarah M. Payne, Nora Arnold, and Cornelia Allen set sail on the Cape Fear steamer for Cuba. (46) These FBH compatriots were joined in this missionary thrust by Daniel Awrey who made a 7,100 mile trip in 1899. Awrey who had spoken in tongues in 1890, circled the globe in 1909 and participated in a pentecostal world conference at Sunderland, England led by Vicar Alexander Boddy. Awrey returned to the states to take charge of Emmanuel's Bible School in Beulah, Oklahoma. This school trained several families for the PHC including: Dunlaps, Robert Aarons, Chesters, Reeders, Knights, Taylors, Starks, Odens, Hills, Bealls, Reinkings, Millers, Kennys, Anderson, Dodds, Moores, Bridges, Kerns, Herrells, Starchers, Martins, Colsons, Davises, Peters, Kerseys, Neals, Boles, Quintals, Colliers, Higginbothams, Stewarts, and Thurmans. In 1910/11, Awrey was in India and China with Frank Bartleman, an Azusa St. Revival leader. In 1913, Awrey died in Liberia. Ethel E. Goss' The Winds of God (47) gave high marks to Daniel Awrey:

Daniel Awrey was a world-famous Bible teacher, missionary and traveler.
He was a man of cultivation and charm, but in his trips around the world, he used little of the abundant offerings he received for himself. In order to save and give to others, he bought steerage tickets and arranged to forego hotels by sitting up in trains at night. By living austerely, with much fasting, he was able to send thousands of dollars through the years to missionaries who were suffering privations in the field.

The first Holiness Church [PHC] Foreign Mission Board was formed in 1904. It was composed entirely of female saints with Mrs. Hannibal Bizzel of Dunn, Secretary and Treasurer. (48) Meanwhile, J.H. King as General Overseer of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church made appeals for "foreign missions"--meaning perspective missionaries and financial support--in the pages of Live Coals.

In 1916, Mrs. N.J. Holmes singled out Miss Lucy Jones who had already served 14 years as a missionary to China. In 1906, Miss Effie Mae Glover, a student at the Altamont Bible and Missionary Institute, went to Guatemala and stayed for two years. She returned to the states briefly and agreed to marry Amos Bradley, (49) a graduate of J.O. McClurkan's Nashville and Holmes' Bible schools, as long as they would minister in Central America. She stayed in Guatemala for 24 years, returning to the states only due to failing health and the Depression. Amos Bradley's many years (44 by 1962) in Central America (50) accounted for the establishment of several Pentecostal Holiness works in Central America.

Tom J. McIntosh was baptized in the Holy Ghost and spoke in tongues as the Spirit gave evidence in 1907. Before the end of the year he went to China to spread the gospel message with some financial support from the Pentecostal Holiness Church. He also spent time in Jerusalem before returning to the states and publishing a book in 1909 entitled The Life and Trip of T.J. McIntosh and Wife and Little Girl, Around the World. By the end of 1909, he and his wife were in Hong Kong. They worked together there with the A.G. Garrs, Azusa St. veterans. (51)

J.H. King met up with McIntosh when he visited Hong Kong in 1910, but it was the Garrs-- who had worked at the Oliver Gospel Mission and who some believe joined the North Carolina PH Conference during the 1910's--who were instrumental in getting King to visit China and India. (52) Already in Hong Kong was Miss E. May Law who was on hand from 1908 through 1914 joining the PHC in 1910. (53) Also in Hong Kong from 1910-1913 for the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church was Mrs. Addell Harrison and her daughter Golden along with Almyra Aston (54) in addition to Miss Ollie Maw, (55) PHC member, who served from 1912-1915.

It is not possible to mention Hong Kong without noting the incredible accomplishments of Miss Anna M. Deane who arrived in Hong Kong in 1909. She organized a mission station later that year which exists today as the most profitable IPHC mission of its kind. Miss Deane, who remained in Hong Kong until her death in 1918, was joined in 1912 by her niece, Miss Anna Dean Cole who stayed until 1951. (56) Miss Jane Schermerhorn arrived in 1914. They were joined by the W.H. Turners in 1919.

Miss Della Gaines went to India in 1910 for the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church. The J.M. Turners would reach India in 1922. Miss Gaines was part of a traveling party that set sail with J.H. King. (57) Rev. A.B. Garr and his wife recommended that King should visit Pentecostal mission sites around the world. King left the Falcon Holiness School in January 1910 after a definite call during the 'watch night' service held December 31, 1909 in Falcon, NC and got public confirmation of his world mission tour while at Texas Holiness University. King published the following in The Bridegroom's Messenger:

God clearly and miraculously opened the way for me to go with Brother Britton to Greenville, Texas. ... While there God gave me a message in tongues and the full interpretation to the effect that I should leave, or begin to make preparation to leave in the spring. (58)

During this trip (1911), King received independent missionaries already in India, namely Rev. R.E. Massey and Rev. D.S. McHaffey into the PHC. (59) King spent two years outside the United States trying to spread the gospel message. Henry C. King's 1912/13 stay in Liberia could have brought him into contact with Daniel Awrey. (60)

One of the earliest PHC missionaries to Africa was Kenneth E.M. Spooner, originally from the British West Indies. He and his wife arrived in South Africa in 1913. He remained there until his death in 1937 by which time he had established 60 churches. His wife, Mrs. Geraldine M. Spooner a native of Central America, would remain in Africa until her passing in her 90s.

Cashwell returned from Los Angeles teaching that initial-evidence tongues-speech would be permanent xenolalia. Notice an announcement in The Apostolic Evangel 1:4 (April 3, 1907) about an upcoming Pentecostal meeting to be held in Lamont, Oklahoma:

Glen A. Cook, who was baptized with the Holy Ghost in the Los Angeles revival, and who speaks in different languages as the Spirit gives utterance, will be present, also J.H. King, G.B. Cashwell and other preachers and workers who have received the Pentecostal baptism. (61)

The same issue carries a letter from Mrs. S.B. Christian about "unknown tongues", singing in the Spirit, and glossographia. Here too is Cashwell emphasizing that the Pentecostal evidence is tongues-speech, but that it also made people give up tobacco, women to burn feathers off their hats, men to confess to their wives, and many to make restitution. (62)

Speaking in tongues thus served a purpose beyond higher religiousness and assurance. If Pentecostals shared xenolalia with the apostles at the original Pentecost, they could circumvent the normal time-consuming process of missionary training and move directly into the field. PHC leaders such as Cashwell and Taylor encouraged potential missionaries to trust God to provide the necessary languages. Cashwell wrote that if Pentecostals had to learn foreign languages in colleges, it would take too long and Jesus "will not come soon." Taylor ridiculed "scholarly clergymen and high-steeple officials" who wondered how to spread the gospel for being "nineteen centuries behind the times." So even as they struggled to spread their message throughout the Southeast, Pentecostal churches and periodicals solicited collections for foreign missions, and almost immediately after the Dunn revival a few laypeople and leaders like J.H. King and PHC minister T.J. McIntosh set out for places such as China, Japan, and India. (63)

Taylor firmly stated that even deaf and dumb believers must speak in tongues to be certifiably baptized in the Spirit. (64) The Apostolic Evangel 1:1 (Feb 15, 1909) carried a report from Confidence that claimed a deaf and dumb woman "began to speak under the power of the Spirit. She began to speak in Hindustant and testified to Mohammedians. Afterwards she lost Hundustani and got the Telegu her native language." Ada Barnes of Raeford, North Carolina, reported to the Holiness Advocate that all she asked God was "to know beyond the shadow of a doubt that He had come into my heart to abide. . . . I can never doubt it, for he took my tongue and testified for Himself." Katie Parker testified that even though she had been saved by Crumpler three years earlier, she had dreaded the second coming and doubted her eternal security. But ever since obtaining the manifestation of tongues, she had been "watching and waiting. . . . I no longer fear the coming of the Lord." Etta Wheeler told the Apostolic Evangel that "I did not speak a definite language, though it was just as real to me." She began to doubt since she did not "talk like some of the others." She said no one is satisfied until one "speak(s) definitely in other tongues." Cashwell told readers of Bridegroom's Messenger that tongues constituted the evidence of the Holy Spirit that made "your calling and election sure." (65) Of course, the motivation to seek further assurance through tongues emanated in large part from the PHC's assertion that, contrary to its pre-1907 interpretation of the Bible, even sanctified holiness people could not claim the baptism of the Holy Spirit until a manifestation of tongues proved the event. This new litmus test angered a few and frustrated even more, but the theological alteration resonated for the many religionists in the Southeast who sought a heightened degree of eternal security and welcomed the new teaching in their search for reassuring evidence of God's presence.

Pentecostal missionaries soon made the painful discovery that there was a difference between what has since been termed xenolalia (speaking in known but unlearned languages) and glossolalia (tongues of angels). Reports that McIntosh and others were unable to communicate to people in their own languages caused considerable discomfort for Southeastern Pentecostals and also elicited a new round of criticism from their opponents. McIntosh had left for China immediately after speaking in tongues, and in what he believed was Chinese, at the Dunn revival. In a subsequent report to the Bridegroom's Messenger, he lamented, "Oh! How we would love to speak to these poor people. Of course, God speaks with our tongues, but not their language." (66)

The teaching on Spirit baptism is modified in Cashwell's inaugural issue of The Bridegroom's Messenger 1:1 (October 1, 1907) where he specifically contrasts xenolalia to learning languages at colleges for the sake of evangelizing the world. He goes on to call the 1 Corinthians 12 "gift of tongues" xenolalic in contrast to initial-evidence tongues. (67) Cashwell argued that those like McIntosh who thought they had the gift of tongues were mistaken but pure in their motives. He criticized the disunity that these failures were causing, and called on Pentecostals to pray for those abroad to attain the necessary gift. As for himself, Cashwell admitted that he realized in retrospect that he had only obtained manifestations of tongues, but he was "expecting the gift of tongues just as much as I expect to see Jesus." A reader, M. D. Sellers of Dunn, backed Cashwell's pleas for additional prayer, noting that it would be impossible to spread the gospel if Pentecostals had to learn every language first and expressing faith that if they tried a little harder Jesus would soon come. The PHC continued and greatly escalated its missionary outreach in subsequent years, but also made concessions by adopting more stringent requirements for its missionaries, utilizing translators, and sponsoring a more traditional approach to acquiring foreign languages. (68)

The premillennialist eschatology and hope for the imminent second coming had social as well as theological ramifications. Robert Anderson concedes that the premillennialism of the Pentecostal movement was a major source of what he considers its radical though what he perceives as short-lived critique of the social order, but argues that the apocalyptic eschatology quickly waned as Pentecostals became socially conservative and acquiescent in the status quo. On the contrary, premillennialism remained a salient theme for the PHC and other Pentecostals. In 1913, A. J. Tomlinson published an apocalyptic book called The Last Great Conflict, in which he reiterated all of the themes of premillennialism and announced that "we are now on the very verge of a complete [religious] revolution, . . . for the last great conflict is on." In 1916, Taylor published a similar book on The Second Coming of Jesus with chapter headings like "His Coming ever Imminent," "Signs of the End," and "The Judgment." Though the early sense of urgency did abate somewhat over time, the PHC republished Taylor's book without revision in 1950, and its 1985 discipline included premillennialism as an essential tenet and noted that the millennium "may occur at any moment." (69)

Rather than simply withdrawing from the world, the PHC instead sought to convert the world to its beliefs, and indeed considered this task essential to its role in quickly effecting the millennium that its philosophy and hopes so depended upon. It was true nonetheless that these Pentecostals targeted those in their own country who already shared many of their religious beliefs and those abroad with whom they had no quarrel. This tendency illuminates another social aspect of their premillennialist theology, the conviction that upon the impending return of Christ the wicked would be judged and the holy would rule the earth. Anderson enjoins these aspects of Pentecostalism as a "surrogate for success in the social struggle." It is crucial to remember that these Pentecostals saw themselves as participants in a different sort of social struggle, one that they literally were destined to win at any moment. The class-based political struggle by which historians so often judge protest movements did not matter much to these Pentecostals, but in the religious struggle with eternal ramifications they had few doubts as to the outcome.

At times the belief in premillennialism incorporated an explicitly social note, such as a 1908 article entitled "Thy King Cometh" in the Way of Faith (which had remained a holiness paper during the 1906-07 schisms but praised and reported often on Pentecostalism and was read by many PHC and FBHC people). Christ would soon return and allow the saints to rule, the article promised:

Thy King cometh, O worn and wearied humanity. . . . He comes to break the oppressor's sway; He comes to undue the heavy burdens; He comes to crush the tyrant and deliver the poor and the needy and him that hath no helper; He comes to answer the cry, 'How long, O Lord, how long?' He comes to avenge the suffering laborers, whose hire has been kept back by fraud; He comes to make inquisition for blood, and He will not forget the cry of the humble; He comes to dethrone iniquity, to enthrone righteousness, to stain the pride of all glory, and lay earth's godless pomp and splendor in the dust; He comes to introduce a new order of things. (70)

PHC members believed similarly in the glory and vindication in store for them at the millennium, though they generally phrased their thoughts more religiously. J. A. Culbreth, a layperson from Falcon, North Carolina explained to readers of the Holiness Advocate that while those who had not received the Pentecostal baptism could still go to heaven, those who had experienced it would be granted greater rewards at the second coming. Taylor also endorsed the view that Pentecostals would receive better rewards from God, while warning that the nonreligious did not have much to look forward to. In The Spirit and the Bride, he predicted that the day of judgment was near, when the righteous would reign over the earth and the unrighteous would be "cast into the lake of fire." (71)

Other social-doctrinal aspects of the PHC illustrate both its differences from the larger culture and the tensions between pursuing a religious path within a secular cultural milieu. Divine healing was a prominent though not doctrinally essential part of the early PHC message, and its members often linked the healing of physical afflictions to the moment of Holy Spirit baptism. Crumpler's holiness movement had stressed God's miraculous healing power, and PHC ministers included healing in their Pentecostal services and revivals. Florence Goff told of how her appendicitis, which physicians had operated on without relief, had been healed at Cashwell's 1907 Dunn revival where she also reported speaking in twelve different languages. Two years later, Goff informed the readers of the Apostolic Evangel that God had healed her of indigestion. Cashwell related that after he and King healed a seventy-two year old woman who had not walked for over a year, she "warned the people to make ready for Jesus was coming." These Pentecostal leaders and their followers considered belief in God's healing power to be a test of their faith, and the pages of periodicals like the Bridegroom's Messenger were marked by accounts of healing as well as tongues. (72)

PHC members experienced a real devil and miracles were expected and abundant. A good testimony about divine healing is the diary that PHC minister and author G. F. Taylor kept for the year 1908. The account is a litany of almost daily episodes of sickness, generally blamed on the devil, followed by God's providential healing power. It covers everything from Taylor's bee sting and sore throats and his wife's cough and toothache to more serious matters. Within Taylor's Pentecostal community in Dunn, healing often constituted a type of communal activity and even ritual, as he and his co-religionists frequently gathered at each other's houses to pray over those suffering from various afflictions. At times, the element of faith involved appears blinding: after a number of friends gathered to pray and anoint him with oil because of an eye ailment, Taylor wrote, "I believe I am healed, though all symptoms remain." The tensions between dependence on God and practical considerations occasionally surfaced; on one occasion Taylor finally visited the dentist concerning a lingering toothache, and on another he summoned a doctor to treat his wife after wondering why her condition kept worsening. That night she delivered a child. (73)

Taylor's example shows that the extreme position on divine healing was never absolute for many PHC members, though for some Southeastern Pentecostals any acceptance of medical treatment signaled a lack of faith. FBHC and future PHC ministers Francis M. Britton and Richard B. Hayes were subjected to legal sanctions for refusing to allow medical treatment of family members. After Britton's spouse died without treatment, his neighbors attempted to try him for murder, and in 1906 Hayes was briefly imprisoned for refusing to allow his dying son to receive medical attention. As late as 1920, controversy erupted within the PHC when several ministers in the Georgia Conference began to preach that taking medication and seeing physicians was neither sinful nor indicative of a lack of faith in God. After the PHC, led by Taylor, brought these ministers up on charges, they withdrew from the organization along with fourteen local churches and formed the Congregational Holiness Church. The extreme healing stance, which historian and IPHC member Vinson Synan terms "misguided," lingered on well after the initial years of the movement, though eventually the PHC modified its position to allow for medical treatment while still maintaining that divine healing was spiritually preferable. (74)

In its interracial character, the early Pentecostal movement also departed at times from larger cultural norms. Most Pentecostal denominations in the South originally had some degree of fellowship across racial lines, including not only the PHC and the FBHC but also the Church of God (Cleveland) and C. H. Mason's predominantly black Church of God in Christ. All of these groups derived the Pentecostal teaching through Seymour's African American mission at Azusa, where multi-ethnic worship services were the rule and where, in the words of Bartleman, "the 'color line' was washed away in the blood. (75) Historians have celebrated the Pentecostal movement's early interracialism as, in Edward Ayers's words, an example of how "religion could overcome, for a while at least, the worst parts of Southern culture." They have also noted the eventual decline of interracial worship, citing conformity to cultural mores, the waning of interracial worship as revivals gave way to increasingly organized forms of worship, and the relatively shallow nature of white Pentecostals' interracial commitment. (76)

The PHC's experience suggests that a variety of these elements influenced the course of Pentecostal interracialism. White Pentecostals in North Carolina may not have completely believed in racial unity and equality nor were, as Robert Anderson implies subconsciously tormented by interracial contact. Perhaps they originally evidenced minimal concern with the social implications of interracial fellowship. Even before Azusa, interracial worship was not uncommon in the Southeastern holiness movement. The FBHC had interracial conventions and a few congregations since 1898, and in 1905 the church listed African America William E. Fuller, as one of three assistant general overseers. (77) Live Coals of Fire 1:7 (December 1, 1899) printed a sermon entitled "A Whirlwind From the North" which Irwin preached November 12, 1899 to the African Methodist Episcopal Church in Lincoln, Nebraska. Outsiders criticized the interracial character of some of Crumpler's revivals, and in 1903 Cashwell reported preaching at "the colored" church near Goldsboro in a meeting also attended by whites. The language used by PHC leaders when they related accounts of interracial gatherings suggests that such meetings were the exception rather than the rule. In Cashwell's 1903 report, he mentioned the black churchgoers "seemed to be filled with the Spirit, and the white people of the community say they live it. God bless those people. I expect to meet many of them in the kingdom of Jesus." Yet when Cashwell arrived at the Azusa St. Revival:

It was unsettling to this tarheel visitor to sit under the preaching of the black minister Seymour; but to have blacks lay hands on his head and pray for his baptism was almost more than he could bear. After five days of seeking, he finally discarded racial feelings and invited Seymour and several blacks to lay hands on him. Finally, in early December, 1906, the power fell and Cashwell received his pentecost. (78)

Members of both races attended the monumental 1907 revival in Dunn, and Cashwell immediately informed the Azusa mission of this news. His letter noted that a number of black people had obtained their Pentecost and concluded that "all the people of God are one here." In his diary, Taylor recounted preaching to an interracial gathering once during 1908, also at a black rather than a white church. (79)

Alexander Boddy, editor of the respected British magazine Confidence, sets the scene for those unaware of societal moors at the time. While touring North America, he wrote about the 1912 sitting arrangements on the trains and the waiting areas at train stations. He tells that if a white minister does preach at a black church, he dare not go to the black minister's home because neither black nor white would accept him. (80)

Boddy says that those in different contexts can appreciate the dilemma only while being in the old slave states. To give an example he quotes a white minister talking about a time in Florida when he looked out his house windows and saw six black men lynched. Their crime? They had "insulted" some white women and with no trial they were lynched and shot repeatedly--he says even the wrong one--to which Boddy adds, "The whites are determined to keep their position as a dominant race." Further he says:

Only a few white people has one heard speak kindly of the black ones, but one has
heard from saintly white folks of those in the Negro race who had known and loved
their Lord as much as they did. (81)

He elaborates on this point:

One of the remarkable things was that preachers of the Southern States were willing and eager to go over to those Negro people at Los Angeles and have fellowship with them, and through their prayers receive the same blessing. The most wonderful thing was that, when these white preachers came back to the Southern States, they were not ashamed to say before their own congregations they had been worshipping with Negroes, and had received some of the same wonderful blessings that had been poured out on them.

R.B. Hayes sponsored integrated services including integrated altars as early as 1898. (82) The Holiness Advocate 7:4 (June 1, 1907), spoke of a white minister, Rev. R.F. Wellons, who preached to "colored people at Fayetteville." Wellons also spent time in the home of Pastor Treadwell. Bridegroom's Messenger 1:1 (October 1, 1907), carried a letter as does Bridegroom's Messenger 2:31 (February 1, 1909), from F.M. Britton about his ministry in Florida which presumably included African Caribbeans. Elder G.T. Haywood had a letter published in Bridegroom's Messenger 2:27 (December 1, 1908). Bridegroom's Messenger 2:43 (August 1, 1909) carried a letter from Carrie L. Justice in Locust Grove, Georgia with the heading "Pentecost Among the Colored People." This was followed by similar reports. (83)

The racial identity of Seymour and the Azusa church was not mentioned in Bridegroom's Messenger or Taylor's theological tracts. (84) Influential periodicals like the Bridegroom's Messenger rarely addressed racial matters, and when they did so it was usually in the context of stories about charismatic revivals or testimonies specifically designated as those of "colored" churches or individuals. However, in light of the Pentecostal proclivity to imitate narrative theology, these testimonies should not be minimized. Occasionally Cashwell's paper did make bold racial statements, such as one in an article about Filipinos that denounced "the haughty Anglo-Saxon who regards all other races as his inferiors." Regardless of prevailing racial attitudes, though, Cashwell and other white Southern Pentecostals proved more than willing to incorporate the teaching they obtained from Seymour, whom they considered a vehicle of God just like themselves. (85)

Unlike other prominent Southern denominations such as the Church of God (Cleveland), the PHC was only loosely affiliated with black congregations or organizations. Its neighboring denomination, the FBHC, did maintain more explicit connections. The FBHC was interracial from 1898 to 1908, when its black members left under William E. Fuller's leadership to form their own denomination. Sometime soon before the 1911 merger between the PHC and the FBHC, a separate "colored convention" was formed, but in 1913 this black convention withdrew and became the autonomous Black Pentecostal Holiness Church. The North Carolina organizations' racial schisms paralleled those of other Pentecostal denominations, most of whom experienced separations during the 1910s and early 1920s. The PHC and other white denominations claimed that the decisions to separate were mutual and that the initiative often came from within the black groups. Additionally, both white leaders and black groups cited criticism of interracial meetings and the racial prejudice of outside whites (including potential but unrealized converts) in explanation. (86)

While outside criticism and Southern mores certainly played a significant role in the demise of interracialism within Pentecostalism, many white Southern Pentecostals never sought to forge a completely integrated movement. The fact that they rarely addressed racial equality might suggest that they were less concerned with their violations of cultural strictures than the society around them, but also that they did not make a sustained effort to come to terms with the questions and meaning of interraciality. White PHC leaders did not fight to keep their organization interracial when separations occurred, nor did they push, even in the earliest years, for substantial consolidation across racial lines. Most instances of interracial worship occurred either when whites visited black churches to hear white ministers like Taylor or Cashwell preach or, more frequently, in the less structured environments of revivals and camp meetings. The PHC's effort toward black churches was part of its overall proselytizing endeavor, though black Pentecostals embraced the doctrine of speaking in tongues for their own purposes and on their own terms. As the PHC and other groups became more centralized and denominationally formal, and therefore more structured and less flexible, the interracial character of the movement declined. White Pentecostals had to address interracial worship in formal denominational terms, rather than as a (largely unaddressed) aspect of the loosely composed early revivals that drew interdenominational as well interracial crowds. The striking interracial character of the early Pentecostal movements in the South was part of the broader departure from cultural norms, but it was often more ambivalent and not as deeply ingrained or theologically based as doctrinal beliefs and therefore could not withstand external pressure and internal transformations successfully.

The role of women in the holiness and Pentecostal movements often departed from standard social and religious norms as well. Women frequently served as evangelists and, in some sects, were also ordained as ministers during the holiness movement of the late 1800s and early 1900s, a tendency which continued after many holiness followers embraced Pentecostalism. (87) The original discipline of Crumpler's holiness organization explicitly stated that people of either gender could be called to the ministry, which was a divergence from Methodist doctrine. The PHC's first ordained woman was Roberta or Berta Maxwell who served as a minister from 1901 until 1919 when she returned to the laity. The PHC church formed in 1907 in G. F. Taylor's hometown of Falcon listed Taylor and two women among its eight original ordained ministers, and a substantial number of other women served in ministerial and evangelistic positions for the PHC. Women also easily constituted the majority of lay contributors to the various periodicals published and read by North Carolina Pentecostals, and laywomen filled other important roles. From its inception in 1904, the PHC's Foreign Mission Board was entirely made up of women, though when it was consolidated into the General Mission Board in 1913 only men were elected to it. Mrs. E. A. Sexton was the associate editor of the Bridegroom's Messenger and took over as editor after Cashwell stepped down in 1908. (88) The inaugural issue of Live Coals of Fire in 1899 listed female ordained evangelists and female ruling elders. Ms. Emma DeFriese served as principal of the School of the Prophets in Beniah, Tennessee when it opened in 1900. Sarah M. Payne served as corresponding editor of Live Coals, a role that included writing Sunday School lessons. F.M. Britton published support of women ministers in the Apostolic Evangel. (89)

The nature of women's leadership roles during the early 1900s was ambiguous and not frequently probed openly, and the idea of deference to men was still apparent. Seymour believed that women could preach but were the "weaker vessel. . . . No woman that has the Spirit of Jesus wants to usurp authority over the man." Yet we know that preachers during the Azusa St. Revival included Florence Crawford, Alma White, Lucy Farrow, Jennie Moore Seymour, Phoebe Sargent, Rachel Harper Sizelove, and Mother Wheaton. (90) Further, a credentials committee for ministerial license and missions work consisted of six men and six women. In a discourse on women's roles in a 1906 issue of the Holiness Advocate, Anna Kelly argued that women should respect their husbands but that "Jesus chose women as well as men to do His work," including preaching. (91)

Historians of the Church of God and the Assemblies of God have noted that for most Pentecostals--especially most male Pentecostals--the substantial participation of women in the early 1900s did not translate into belief in full gender equality and declined as the groups became more institutionalized, the ministry more professionalized, and the religious climate more structured. (92) Like interracialism, women's leadership thrived in the less structured and more emotional revival milieu of the early Pentecostal movement, (93) when itinerant preachers were the norm and the focus centered on participants as much as leaders. Regardless of gender, those who had previously obtained the Spirit baptism led others to it. As the PHC moved toward an increasingly organized and ordered existence, including the formation of auxiliary groups specifically designed for women's activities, female participation in church leadership concomitantly declined, though not as rapidly or as fully as interracialism did. But the PHC's theological insistence on the right of women to preach, which was not restricted to its initial period, challenged mainstream religious doctrine even as individual philosophies concerning gender relations often remained within traditional parameters. For the PHC, and especially for its women leaders, views of women's place were always more ambiguous and less circumscribed than those associated with the religious and cultural mainstream.

The PHC adopted a number of regulations against secular vices and amusements, though its rhetorical blasts against participation in the things of the world often were directed at denominations like the Methodist church. Pentecostals viewed the world as already hopelessly corrupt and wasted little time attacking it directly. Religious groups were another matter, and the PHC almost automatically drew a causal connection between religious-based criticism of it and secular comfort. Crumpler frequently castigated anti-holiness Methodists for their lack of spirituality and increasing accommodation to the secular world by accusing them of numerous sins, including tobacco and alcohol usage, theater attendance, secret lodge membership, and excessively ornamental modes of dress. In 1907, Taylor turned Crumpler's rhetoric against him, denouncing "Masonic and tobacco-chewing" holiness preachers for their opposition to Pentecostalism. In a second 1907 book entitled The Devil, Taylor warned that "the devil or some of his imps are always present" to tempt God's people at picnics, baseball games, horse races, saloons, brothels, circuses, and theaters. (94) On some issues, like methods of water baptism, the PHC allowed new converts to choose either immersion or sprinkling or neither, showing an uncommon degree of doctrinal flexibility on an issue of traditional conflict within Protestantism. It was the acknowledged influence of Quakers that encouraged them to see water baptism as optional. In contrast to the diatribes against paedobaptism by most Pentecostal denominations, the PHC affirmed infant baptism, although this is apparently not widely known even in their own ranks and almost never practiced in North America. (95) But PHC regulations in other areas caused serious controversies, and none more problematic than its efforts to regulate the problems of tobacco and divorce. (96)

In 1903, Crumpler declared tobacco to be the worst evil in the country, the regionally powerful American Tobacco Company to be the "worst institution outside of hell," and concluded that "the person who aids or abets or helps the American Tobacco Company in any way cary [sic] on its death dealing, moral corrupting, soul destroying business is equally guilty with them . . . of the blood of every boy and girl killed and damned by their nefarious business." The 1904 convention passed a rule forbidding members to "use, raise, or handle" tobacco upon penalty of expulsion. These incidents resulted in a number of withdrawals, especially among laypeople who depended on tobacco for their livelihood in the Piedmont region of North Carolina where the PHC was strongest and tobacco was the principal cash crop. The divorce controversy mirrored the tobacco one. Regulations forbidding remarriage after divorce caused considerable conflict, offending members were expelled and others left as a result, and when Crumpler later took a stand against expelling remarried divorcees several PHC ministers returned to the Methodist church in protest. (97)

Tobacco and divorce questions continued to plague the PHC after Pentecostalism arrived. The regulations against both were not always clear-cut or enforced, and so the 1909 convention passed rules forbidding members to handle tobacco in any way or to remarry while a former spouse was still alive. In 1913, after a contentious debate, the PHC dropped its rule against remarriage though maintaining the restriction for ministers. (98) Through issues such as tobacco, alcohol, and divorce, the PHC illustrated its desire to maintain its separation from the evils of the secular realm and to highlight its distinctiveness from more established churches that had become too comfortable with worldly things. As time progressed, the PHC modified its regulations against tobacco and divorce, but these were choices as much as compromises, intended to increase organizational unity and evangelistic potential. Additionally, the prohibition against contact with tobacco was the most conspicuous example of how a regulation intended to reinforce the spiritual sphere could have social and political implications. Calling for members of the laboring classes to abandon the tobacco industry in the most tobacco-intensive region in the nation was no small social threat. Crumpler's calls for state laws against cigarette manufacturing and Cashwell's frequent exhortations to vote for prohibition legislation also showed that though overt political action was uncommon, it was not unthinkable. The PHC also engaged in social action in other ways; during 1908 Cashwell opened rescue homes in Winston-Salem to provide a haven for homeless children and in Wilmington to bring "fallen women" out of the city's brothels. In 1908 under the leadership of Pastor H.P. Lott of the Oklahoma City First Pentecostal Holiness Church there was started a Rescue Home. The Falcon Camp Meeting took up an offering in 1908 for what became the next year Falcon Children's Home which has expanded to include a home for women pregnancy crisis and a home for aged citizens. Meanwhile, Mrs. J.H. Hutchinson opened the Bethel Rescue Home for Girls in Toronto, Canada. (99)

Observers of Holiness and Pentecostal Movements have almost unanimously agreed that the movements predominantly appealed to the laboring classes, and especially to poor blacks and whites. Anderson stresses the presence of "impoverished farmers" and others from the "humblest orders of society," most prominently in the South, and Synan calls Pentecostalism "essentially a religion of the socially disinherited and the economically underprivileged." (100) However, once scholars collected original data the stereotype was in danger. In his recent study of the holiness movement in Georgia, Briane Turley finds that holiness and Pentecostal people who came out of the Wesleyan Methodist tradition were often literate and educated members of the "burgeoning middle class," not only farmers but urban professionals and other prominent citizens as well. Turley's arguments are augmented by Mickey Crews, who notes that the Church of God's main spokesmen were literate property owners. (101)

The correlation between followers of Pentecostalism and lower socio-economic status was undoubtedly salient, and the North Carolina Pentecostal movement was no exception. Crumpler spoke of his ministry to the poor as a badge of honor, juxtaposing his outreach to farmers and other less advantaged groups against the lack of concern for them by established churches. FBHC minister H. H. Goff reported a 1909 revival led by himself and Maggie Gaylor (who did some "real good preaching") to have been attended by the "poor financially, . . . for they are all farmers that attended the meeting save one sanctified merchant, and nearly all land renters." Goff nevertheless raised $30.00 in tithes and $175.00 in pledges for the purchase of a church building. Meetings were not always avoided by the upper classes; on several occasions, Cashwell made a point to report that the "best" or "most prominent" people of the town had attended his meetings, though the infrequency and very existence of such reports could suggest that they were the exception rather than the rule. However, Live Coals 3:9 (January 11, 1905) refers to one of "our ministers," Brother Gopal Singh, who was once a "wealthy landholder" (including a village) with "many servants." When Irwin opened the School of the Prophets in Beniah, Tennessee, the land was donated by Fire-Baptized devotees. Emma DeFriese's neighborhood included the superintendent of schools and physicians. (102) J.A. Culbreth inherited large sections of land, enough to start a city (Falcon, North Carolina). The prominent role played by the Pentecostal periodicals, and the frequent testimonial and theological contributions of laypeople to them, illustrates that at least a substantial segment of the readership were literate and perhaps somewhat educated. Indeed, it seems that the PHC's ministers and members of its more established town-centered congregations often displayed middle-class characteristics; it was in their revivals and proselytizing efforts that they reached out to extend the Pentecostal message to blacks, laborers, and rural residents.

In a survey of early Pentecostal leaders, Anderson finds that they were often somewhat educated, from rural backgrounds, culturally alienated, and existed in a "limbo between working and middle class." In the first issue of the Holiness Advocate, Crumpler introduced his coeditor T.M. Lee as a lawyer, former Episcopal and Mason, and a member of one of the best families in the state. G.F. Taylor attended the University of North Carolina and, though he complained in his diary of chronic financial problems, contracted for a house to be built during 1908. Other prominent leaders like J.H. King and A.H. Butler (also a former Mason) received college or seminary educations. (103) Regardless of their educational or socio-economic status, most of the PHC's ministers and laypeople formally had been affiliated with the Methodist church and had withdrawn in protest of its increasingly staid worship services and its unspiritual drift into the secular realm.

Although Pentecostalism did make substantial inroads among the socially and economically disadvantaged, the movement nevertheless attracted only a small percentage of the people who fell into these categories. But it did gain most of its converts--regardless of socio-economic status--from among the already religious, which suggest the inadequacy of a simple socio-economic explanation. (104)

To the PHC's leaders, as well as to the farmers, laborers, and townspeople to whom they ministered, the withdrawal from mainstream churches and embracement of holiness and Pentecostal beliefs was primarily a religious decision. A relatively diverse collection of people encountered and embraced a new type of religiousness in the North Carolina Pentecostal revivals. These individuals found Pentecostalism compelling as an answer to not only social and economic concerns but fundamentally to their religious ones as well.

Students of religion have made much of the sect-to-denomination transition and the concomitant compromises with the secular realm that accompany this process of organization, consolidation, and centralization. (105) From the beginning, the PHC was as much of a denomination as a collection of autonomous sects, meeting in annual conventions and abiding by a unified discipline.

Crumpler's early denunciation of the "tyranny of the episcopacy" of Methodism and support for a congregationalist form of church government was more rhetorical than actual, and a fairly close resemblance to Methodist forms of organization marked the PHC from an early date. In the aftermath of the arrival of Pentecostalism in North Carolina, the less structured environment of worship and revival existed alongside a network of collaboration and communication that existed across denominational and even regional lines and revolved around the critical periodicals of the movement.

Cashwell in particular pushed for increased unity within the movement until his own withdrawal. In 1908, he formed the short-lived Southern Pentecostal Association in an attempt to better spread the message at home and abroad. The most significant event for the PHC's growth and consolidation was its 1911 merger with the FBHC, with which it had worked closely since the Dunn revival. The incorporation of the FBHC greatly expanded the PHC's base, since the FBHC already oversaw conventions in South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Tennessee, Virginia, and Oklahoma. (106)

The PHC grew rapidly after this merger, from 2,000 members in six conventions in 1911 to over 5,000 in ten conventions in 1917. In the 1920s, churches in places such as Pennsylvania, Ohio, Texas, and even Ontario joined the expanding denomination. The effort toward foreign missions also dramatically increased during these years. In 1918, the church relocated its headquarters to Franklin Springs, Georgia, and began a publishing house and college there within a year. A 1925 decision to require strict educational standards for ministers was enacted so that, in the words of a committee report, the PHC's message would "appeal to the cultured as well as the crude. (107)

The Altamont Bible and Missionary Institute opened its doors in 1898 making "Holmes" [as it is affectionately called] the oldest, continuous Pentecostal Bible college in North America. The school operated then as it does now on the "faith principle," meaning students are not charged tuition. Early in 1900, the Fire-Baptized Holiness Association established a School of the Prophets in Beniah, Tennessee. Sister Emma DeFriese described in Live Coals of Fire 1:10 (Jan 12, 1900) as having the "definite experiences of the fire and the dynamite" served as principal of the school. G.F. Taylor led the Bethel Holiness School in Rose, Hill, North Carolina from 1903 until 1907 when he left to head up the Falcon Holiness School (1907-1916) which had started in 1902. In 1906, the Beulah Holiness Bible School was established in Oklahoma, where Daniel Awrey would serve as principal. Beulah would remain open until 1910 and be followed by the short lived King's College in Oklahoma which operated from 1925 until 1932. The Franklin Springs Institute opened in 1919 with G.F. Taylor, principal, launching the High School Academy with "higher-level Bible courses" for ministerial students.

On one hand, trends toward increased centralization did lessen the radical fringe appeal of the PHC, but they should also be understood as efforts undertaken primarily to increase the Pentecostal message. Especially so in light of the fact that the FBHC had moved away from a tight hierarchy.

Outsiders comment that the progression of the PHC appears as increasing accommodation to mainstream culture and religion marked by a series of pragmatic compromises. But PHC members would have rejected accusations that they were growing too comfortable with the things of the world, believing instead that their actions were intended solely to spread the Pentecostal message and do the work of God. Their world view was always informed by biblical data.

The PHC's move toward more traditional church structures did not mean that it had completely evacuated the perpetually thriving and dynamic religious fringe within which it had been born. The controversies and schisms that accompanied its increased organization showed that even seemingly minor matters could still be infused with deep theological meaning. Before the merger, the FBHC had prohibited its members from wearing neckties and eating pork, but it dropped these regulations in order to effect the consolidation peacefully. On two separate occasions, in 1916 and again in 1918, groups seceded from the PHC in protest of its allowing members to wear neckties, accusing the church of having "gone to the world." When groups, some of whom were only loosely affiliated with the Church of God (Cleveland), began handling snakes and hot coals in the search for ever more intense worship experiences, leaders like Taylor in 1918 denounced the practices as unbiblical. The PHC again lost members after taking this position. The PHC also revealed during other controversies that it intended to remain true to its doctrinal roots. The church remained, in Synan's words, a "bastion of orthodox Pentecostal theology" in the face of the "finished work" and "Jesus only" challenges within the Pentecostal movement during the 1910s. King declined to attend the Hot Springs affair in 1914 because of the latter's "finished work" orientation. (108)

The church also proved in the Georgia healing controversy of 1920 that affiliates who challenged its teaching concerning divine healing would be expelled. The PHC's desire to expand its base and spread its message often came into conflict with the need to maintain theological purity. For instance, between 1921 and 1925 the PHC reported 12,217 conversions with 7,323 actually joining, but at the same time 926 people voluntarily withdrew and 2,094 were expelled. (109)

The PHC arrived and flourished in an environment marked by urbanization and industrialization, a rising culture of consumption and materialism, the increasing growth of theological liberalism in mainstream churches, the recent demise of Populism and the disfranchisement of blacks and lower-status whites, and a preexisting holiness milieu. Pentecostalism represented a dissenting value system linked to socio-economic considerations but also emanating from significant religious and theological protest. It was not only a negative movement, as it provided a positive set of beliefs allowing people to order their own lives, pursue a higher measure of faith, and believe in an imminent optimistic ending. The PHC sought to transcend secular society and occupy an elevated spiritual plain in order to prepare for the second coming. But their existence within the larger society brought an ambiguous mixture of social engagement and disengagement as they struggled to maintain the problematic position of being in the world but not of it.

A MERGER


On January 31, 1911, in the octagon-shaped Pentecostal Holiness Church building at Falcon, North Carolina, duly elected delegates met for the purpose of effecting a consolidation between the Pentecostal Holiness Church and the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church. The name of the smaller church, Pentecostal Holiness Church, was accepted for the new union. (110)

By 1915 the Tabernacle Pentecostal Church consolidated with the Pentecostal Holiness Church. Holmes himself, his local church and his school did not merge with the Pentecostal Holiness Church. (111) Holmes had attended the University of Edinburgh and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill eventually earning a master's degree. (112)

At the initiative of the group known as the Mutual Confederation Church led by Rev. A.M. Lopez with 43 congregations in Mexico and Texas, Bishop J.H. King organized these churches into an annual conference known as the South Texas and Mexican Conference when they met March 2, 1931 in Weslaco, Texas. Bishop King described Rev. A.M. Lopez as a "man of humility, intelligence and amiability of spirit" and reported that he "felt more of the glory of God in the Mexican churches that I visited than I have found anywhere in twenty-two years." The most prominent leader to emerge from this effort was Rev. Esteban Lopez.(114)

In 1967 Pentecostal Holiness effected affiliation with the Pentecostal Methodist Church of Chile which claimed some 320,000 adult members and by the 1980s boosted the second largest church in the world. The 1980s would see an affiliation signed with the Wesleyan Methodist Church of Brazil. In the United States, relations were strengthened with the predominantly black Original United Holy Church of the World, the Congregational Holiness Church, and the Pentecostal Free-Will Baptist Church. (113)

With 164,149 adult members in the United States and Canada and ministry in 81 nations, the International Pentecostal Holiness Church in 1996 numbered 2.6 million persons around the world. One of its most famous preachers was Oral Roberts. Then there was Bailey Smith, who became head of the Southern Baptist Convention. Also Charles Stanley who became president of the Southern Baptist Convention and who ranks among the most popular electronic preachers.

 

Revised 08/13/2012

ENDNOTES

 

1. This article was published in The Acts of Pentecost, edited by Yung-Chul Han (Seoul: Han Young Theological University, 1998). This volume was distributed at the 18th Pentecostal World Conference held September 22-25, 1998, in Seoul, Korea. However, authors of individual articles are not named and footnotes and sections of these chapters were eliminated without the knowledge of the contributors.

2. Vinson Synan, The Old-Time Power: A History of the Pentecostal Holiness Church (Franklin Springs: Advocate Press, 1986) 81f. Hereinafter identified as OTP.

3. John Fletcher, The Works of John Fletcher, 4 vols (Salem, Ohio: Schmul Publishers, 1974) vol 2: Checks to Antinomianism, p. 632.

4. See B. Dinnick, "Baptism of Fire and with Fire: Part II," The Way of Faith 3:15 (October 13, 1897) 2 and issues prior to this that carried ads for Pyrophia: A Morbid Dread of Fire by B.H. Irwin. Cf. Donald W. Dayton, Theological Roots of Pentecostalism (Grand Rapids: Francis Asbury Press, 1987) 97f, 110n41; Synan, OTP, 83, 92.

5. J.H. King, "History of Fire-Baptized Church: Chapter II," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (March 31, 1921) 11. A number of North Americans are listed in Harold D. Hunter, Spirit Baptism: A Pentecostal Alternative (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1983) chapter 6. See: Craig Fankhauser, "The Heritage of Faith: An Historical Evaluation of the Holiness Movement in America," unpublished M.A. Thesis (Pittsburgh [Kansas] State University, 1983) 121f; Dayton, Roots, 96, 110.

6. cf. Synan, OTP, 85. Holiness periodicals like Beulah Christian labeled this "erroneous teaching." See Beulah Christian 5:5 (May 1896) 3; Beulah Christian (Nov 1896) 2. Dan Woods, Dale Coulter, and Harold D. Hunter have provided conclusive evidence that the traditional date of 1895 is incorrect. The error repeated by Campbell and Synan can be traced back to J.H. King, "History of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church: Chapter 1," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (March 24, 1921) 5.

7. See Joseph E. Campbell, The Pentecostal Holiness Church: 1898-1948 (Franklin Springs, GA: Publishing House of the Pentecostal Holiness Church, 1951) 197-199. Hereinafter identified as PHC.

8. Campbell, PHC, 194.

9. Campbell, PHC, 199.

10. See "The Central Idea," Live Coals of Fire 1:6 (Nov 10, 1899) 4. cf. Synan, OTP, 89; Fankhauser, "The Heritage of Faith," 133.

11. Synan, OTP, 93. See G.F. Taylor, "Our Church History: Chapter III," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (February 3, 1921) 9; G.B. Cashwell, "Hundreds Baptized in the South," The Apostolic Faith 1:6 (February-March 1907) 3.

12. J.H. King, "History of Pentecostal Holiness Church," (1946) 5-12, 21. See the series by G.F. Taylor in Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (March-April 1921). Also: Live Coals of Fire 1:6 (Nov 10, 1899) 8; Coals 1:9 (Dec 29, 1899) 2. Probably not connected is the reference to Mr. & Mrs. Tuttle of Lawrence, Kansas in Sarah E. Parham, The Life of Charles F. Parham (Birmingham: Commercial Printing, [1930] 1977) 25f, and Mrs. Victoria Tuttle, the ruling elder of the Pennsylvania Fire-Baptized.

13. "A Sermon by Chas. F. Parham," The Apostolic Faith 31 (April 1925) 3; James R. Goff, Jr., Fields White Unto Harvest: Charles F. Parham and the Missionary Origins of Pentecostalism (Fayetteville, AR: University of Arkansas Press, 1988) 54f; James R. Goff, Jr., "Initial Tongues in the Theology of Charles Fox Parham," Initial Evidence, ed. by Gary M. McGee (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1991) 62; Vinson Synan, The Holiness-Pentecostal Holiness Movement, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971) 68; Synan, OTP, 92.

14. Agnes Ozman LaBerge, What God Hath Wrought (Chicago: Herald Publishing Co., n.d.) 22f; William Menzies, "Fire-Baptized Holiness Movement," Dictionary of Christianity in America (Downer's Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1991) 440; Edith Blumhofer, Restoring The Faith (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993) 48-53. "History of [Pentecostal] Movement," The Apostolic Faith 2:2 (Oct 1908) Houston, Texas, p. 2, adds that at her Spirit baptism on January 1, 1901 she did not think tongues was the only evidence of Spirit baptism. Campbell, PHC, 208-214, notes that Agnes Ozman LeBerge and her husband became active members of the Fire Baptized Holiness Church, she serving as "pastor and evangelist."

Daniel Awrey's 7,100 mile trip reported in Live Coals of Fire 1:7 (Dec 1, 1899) 5, noted twice hearing Dr. Dowie in Chicago. Chronicling travels in 1907, Frank Bartleman's How Pentecost Came to Los Angeles (1925) 106, told of a stop in Old Orchard, Maine. This annual Christian and Missionary Alliance camp meeting was said to be opposed to "Pentecost," yet several left the camp to hear Bartleman. cf. Michael Thomas Girolimon, "A Real Crisis of Blessing: Part 1," Paraclete 27:1 (Winter, 1992) 21; Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, 48; James E. Peters, Prevailing Westerlies (Shippensburg, PA: Destiny Image, 1988) 19f.

15. The precise nature of Irwin's indiscretion is not often repeated, but C.E. Jones, "Benjamin Hardin Irwin," Dictionary of Christianity in America, 583, passes on the 1900 announcement by H.C. Morrison in his Pentecostal Herald that Irwin had been seen on an Omaha street drunk and smoking a cigar. This was followed by divorce and a marriage to a young woman. J.H. King, "Pentecostal Holiness Church," 23, lamented that an alluring woman had tempted Irwin. King wrote in 1921, "History of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church: Chapter III," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate 4:49 (April 7, 1921) 10, that Irwin gave evidence of "an apostate condition of heart" in 1899 and that in the spring of 1900 he was "guilty of open and gross sins." Evidence about a pentecostal episode in Irwin's life is found in The Apostolic Faith 1:4 (December 1906) 4,  The Apostolic Faith 1:6 (February-March, 1907) 1, B.H. Irwin, "My Pentecostal Baptism--A Christmas Gift," Triumphs of Faith  27:5 (May 1907) 114-117, and The Apostolic Faith (February 1911) 4, edited by E.N. Bell along with a letter from Irwin to Barrett republished by David Bundy in "Spiritual Advice to a Seeker: Letters to T.B. Barratt from Azusa St, 1906," Pneuma 14:2 (Fall, 1992) 160, 167f. The Azusa paper as published in Like As Of Fire leaves off three words in the article by B.H. Irwin titled "In The Upper Room" published in The Apostolic Faith 1:4 (December 1906) 4. However, an original copy of this issue clearly shows that the missing words are "tongues. B.H. Irwin". See Fankhauser, "The Heritage of Faith," for information about the death of Mrs. Anna M. Stewart Irwin in 1919. When trying to purge the Pentecostal Holiness Church of "Irwinism," King, "Unity," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (August 3, 1922) 5f, said of Irwin:
"His life for many years alternated between the pulpit and the harlots house. He would go from the pulpit to wallow with harlots the rest of the night. During this time he was preaching fiercely against wearing neckties, eating pork, and drinking coffee."
This last reference was located by Dan Woods.

16. Synan, OTP, 95.

17. The Discipline of The Holiness Church (Goldsboro, NC: Nash Brothers, [c. 1902]) 3.

18. Vinson Synan, "Pentecostal Holiness Church," Encyclopedia of Religion in the South, ed. by Samuel S. Hill (Macon: Mercer University Press, 1984) 582, erroneously records the date as 1893. See: Synan, OTP, 60; Campbell, PHC, 221; A.D. Beacham, Jr., A Brief History of the Pentecostal Holiness Church (Franklin Springs, GA: Advocate Press, 1983) 35.

19. Synan, OTP, 61.

20. Campbell, PHC, 221. Cf. Synan, OTP, 5f; Beachman, Brief History, 33; W. Eddie Morris, The Vine and Branches - John 15:5: Historic Events of the Holiness and Pentecostal Movements (by the author, 1981) 7.

21. Campbell, PHC, 222.

22. Campbell, PHC, 223.

23. Synan, OTP, 62f; Beacham, Brief History, 36. See selected events in 1898.

24. B.H. Irwin preached a sermon on "The Pentecostal Church" which was printed in Live Coals of Fire 1:20 (June 1, 1900) 2f. Most notable is the Pentecostal Church of the Nazarene founded by Phineas F. Bresee. See also articles like "The Pentecostal Mission Convention" by O.A. Barber in Living Waters 13:42 (October 22, 1903). Cf. Synan, OTP, 64; Harold D. Hunter, "Aspects of Pentecostal-Charismatic Origins," Section II, class lectures at the Church of God Theological Seminary and Oral Roberts University School of Theology.

25. Campbell, PHC, 230f.

26. Paul A. Pomerville, The Third Force in Missions: A Pentecostal Contribution to Contemporary Mission Theology (Peabody: Hendrickson Press, 1985), rightly argues that the Azusa St. Revival was not a centrifuge for the global Pentecostal Movement.

27. The following section is greatly indebted to Matthew D. Lassiter, "'The Last Great Conflict is On': The Early Pentecostal Movement in the Southeast," [http://www.virginia/edu/~history/southcon.95/Lassiter.html] December 1995. Used with permission.

28. Lassiter argues that the Way of Faith had not revealed the racial identify of Seymour thus catching Cashwell off guard. Unfortunately, these issues of Way of Faith are no longer available to us. However, Cashwell could have read reports about the revival in periodicals like the Living Waters, Apostolic Evangel, and the Holiness Advocate. The Apostolic Faith was clear on this question. Considering the number of sources available to him, it may be difficult to maintain that Cashwell had no such information.

29. Campbell, PHC, 241; Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, 138f. The best discussion on this point is to be found in Doug Beacham, Azusa East: The Life and Times of G.B. Cashwell (Franklin Springs, GA: LifeSprings Resources, 2006), 207-217.

30. Campbell, PHC, 241.

31. Synan, OTP, 111.

32. See: Sixtieth Annual Session: Journal of the North Carolina Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South. 1896, p. 16; Journal of the North Carolina Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Fifty-Second Session at New Berne, NC. November 28th to December 4th, 1888, p. 17; Journal of the North Carolina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South held at Oxford, NC, December 3-8, 1913 (Raleigh: Edwards & Broughton Printing Co., 1913), p. 25; The North Carolina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Eighty-Second Annual Session held in Goldsboro, NC, December 11-16, 1918, p. 28; G. Franklin Grill, Methodism in the Upper Cape Fear Valley (Nashville: Parthenon Press, 1966) 148. Contra Synan, OTP, 119, who says that Crumpler remained a layperson after leaving PHC.  cf. Campbell, PHC, 245. These developments parallel events in the Church of God in Christ involving C.P. Jones and Charles H. Mason. Proceedings of the Ninth Annual Convention of the Holiness Church of North Carolina, November 26, 1908 at Dunn, North Carolina, reports on Crumpler's departure and loss of the Holiness Advocate then notes that "On motion, we adopted the Bridegroom's Messenger as the organ of this church until further arrangements".

33. King, "My Experience;" J.H. King, and Blanche L. King, Yet Speaketh: Memoirs of the Late Bishop Joseph H. King (Franklin Springs, GA: Publishing House of the Pentecostal Holiness Church, 1949) 112; Synan, OTP, 112.

34. King, "My Experience," 13.

35. J.H. Ballard, "Spiritual Gifts with Special Reference to the Gift of Tongues," Live Coals (Feb 13, 1907) 2, 6.

36. Synan, OTP, 112f. Taylor, The Spirit and the Bride, noting that King quoted Dean Alford in The Apostolic Evangel goes on to point out that Alford was "not trying to prove" initial-evidence Spirit baptism. See Harold D. Hunter, "Aspects of Initial Evidence Dogma: A European-American Holiness Pentecostal Perspective," Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 1:2 (August 1998).

37. Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, 129

38. G.F. Taylor, The Spirit and the Bride (Falcon, NC: 1908) 5-9, 40-49, 90-99. Notice the appropriation of Taylor's book by D. William Faupel in The Everlasting Gospel: The Significance of Eschatology in the Development of Pentecostal Thought (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996). In their autobiographical accounts, King, Tomlinson, Cashwell, and Taylor all stressed that they accepted the doctrine of tongues only after a examination of the Bible confirmed it.

39. Cashwell editorials in the Bridegroom's Messenger, Dec. 15, 1907, Jan. 1, 1908, Dec. 1, 1907.

40. Apostolic Faith 1:8 (May 1907) 1; Apostolic Faith 1:11 (Jan 1908) 1; Bridegroom's Messenger (Oct 1, 1907) 2; Bridegroom's Messenger (July 15, 1910) 2. See Synan, OTP, 145-150, for similar accounts of persecution during the pre-1907 holiness phase, including gunshots and tent-burnings.

41. Apostolic Faith 1:1 (Sept 1906) 1, 3; Apostolic Faith 1:2 (Oct 1906) 2. Seymour also claimed that God had shown him the earthquake one year before it occurred as a sign to prepare for the second coming.

42. Holiness Advocate 2:8 (Jan 1, 1902) 1; Holiness Advocate 2:19 (Jan 15, 1902) 1; Holiness Advocate (July 1, 1903) 4.

43. Taylor, Spirit and the Bride, 96, 127-130. For Taylor's explication of the parable of the bridegroom, see pp. 112-118.

44. Apostolic Faith (April 1907) 4; Bridegroom's Messenger (Oct 1, 1907) 1. Cashwell said he did not know of any prophecy yet to be fulfilled.

45. Bridegroom's Messenger (March 1, 1909) 2; Taylor, Spirit and the Bride, 50-51.

46. Live Coals of Fire 1:8 (December 15, 1899) 6.

47. Ethel E. Goss' The Winds of God (Southfield, Michigan: Ruth Goss Nortje', 1977) 254.

48. Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (February 24, 1921) 9.

49. G.F. Taylor, "Our Church History: Chapter XI: Foreign Missions," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate 4: 49 (April 7, 1921) 8, says that the Bradleys did not join the PHC until 1912. He later mentions that they returned to the states in 1918 and at the time of his writing (1921) they had not been sent back to Central America.

50. Bradley died in Central America. See King in Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (April 7, 1921).

51. Daniel Bays, "The Protestant Missionary Establishment and the Pentecostal Movement," Pentecostal Currents in American Protestantism, ed. by Edith L. Blumhofer, Russell P. Spittler and Grant A. Wacker (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999) 52-54, 57, suggests that McIntosh was the first Pentecostal missionary to reach China. However, he does not identify McIntosh as sent by the PHC. He also fails to connect May Law with the PHC.

52. See Joseph Campbell, PHC, 347.

53. G.F. Taylor, "Our Church History: Chapter XI," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (April 7, 1921) 8, says that King took her in during his tour in India. This would suggest she was actually received in 1910. Taylor goes on to say that the North Carolina Conference sent her money in 1911.

54. G.F. Taylor, "Our Church History: Chapter XI," 8, "Sister Aston received money from the PHC board, but declared she would rather remain independent of the board."

55. Taylor, "Our Church History: Chapter XI," 8, says that Miss May Law returned to the States in the spring of 1912 and when she returned in the fall of 1912 she took with her Miss Ollie Maw of South Carolina. Maw was a member of PHC and endorsed by the Georgia and Upper South Carolina Convention. Later (1914?), Miss Law adopted the "finished work theory" and "the one name baptism."

56. Taylor in "Our China Work," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (November 11, 1920) puts Anna Dean Cole as being Spirit baptized in Birmingham in 1907 and wanting to leave for China immediately. However, she went to Holmes first then to China in 1911 and remained seven years. She was a member of the Tabernacle Church that was part of the 1915 consolidation in to the PHC. She was getting ready to return in 1921 when Taylor published his piece.

57. King was not the FBH General Overseer during this tour. Britton was made Acting General Overseer. So Campbell, PHC, 253. Magazines like Confidence repeatedly refer to King as "Pastor King" while in Europe.

58. J.H. King, "Unfolding of His Purpose," Bridegroom's Messenger 3:56 (February 15, 1910), p. 2. Harold Stanley York, "The Formation of the Pentecostal Holiness Church's Mission Endeavor," unpublished Th.M. thesis, Divinity School of Duke University (May 12, 1997), p. 12, wrongly dates the issue as March 15, 1910, p. 2.  When King wrote in Yet Speaketh (P. 144f) about a specific divine direction to go on the world tour, he mentions a spiritual episode in Falcon, North Carolina on December 31, 1909 but says nothing about Texas. All that Taylor said when recounting the reason for King traveling around the world in "Our Church History: Chapter XI: Foreign Missions," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (April 7, 1921, p. 8, is "In the early part of 1910 Rev. J.H. King, General Overseer of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church, received a call to go around the world."

59. So G.F. Taylor, "Our Church History: Chapter XI," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (April 7, 1921) 8. Much useful information about King’s visit to Finland was provided through email from Jouko Ruohomäki (10/2/08) who drew on the monthly magazines Toivon Tähti, Kotimaa, Ristin, Voitto, and Pekka Brofeldt’s memoirs Helluntaiherätys Suomessa. These primary resources also provide corrections to parts of the account of King's visit to Finland as told in Yet Speaketh. On the other hand, confirmation of King's account about Alexander Boddy and in particular Sunderland, England is confirmed in Gavin Wakefield, Alexander Boddy: Pentecostal Anglican Pioneer (London: Paternoster Press, 2007). Wakefield also draws attention to Daniel Awrey. For additional information about King preaching in Europe see jh-kings-1...-made-visible

60. John W. Brooks, Mighty Moments, says that Henry King got very ill after a "short stay in the topics and was helped onto the ship to return to the United States."

61. "Oklahoma Meeting," The Apostolic Evangel 1:4 (April 3, 1907) 4. J.H. King served as editor of this periodical. The same issue includes a letter from H.C. Simcoke who was unsure about the initial-evidence teaching.

62. Ibid, 2f.

63. Bridegroom's Messenger (Oct 1, 1907) 1; Taylor, Spirit and the Bride, 104; Campbell, PHC, 238-248, 344-348.

64. Taylor, The Spirit and the Bride, 50. Taylor was reacting to a story run in the Way of Faith which was repeated in the Holiness Advocate (June 1, 1906) 4 and 7:3 (May 15, 1907) 1.

65. Holiness Advocate 7:3 (May 15, 1907) 2, 6; Apostolic Evangel 1:7 (May 15, 1909) 2; Bridegroom's Messenger (Jan 15, 1908) 1.

66. Agnes Ozman claimed to have spoken Chinese on January 1, 1901 and the A.G. Garrs left the Azusa St. Revival for China. The Bridegroom's Messenger ran stories of the Garrs and McIntoshs working together in China. Such stories can be multiplied.

67. "Colleges vs Gifts of the Spirit," The Bridegroom's Messenger 1:1 (October 1, 1907) 1.

68. Bridegroom's Messenger (Feb 15, 1908) 1, 4; April 1, 1908, p. 1; April 15, 1908, p. 1; Campbell, PHC, 347-359.

69. Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited, 79-81, 195-199; A.J. Tomlinson, The Last Great Conflict (Cleveland, TN: Walter E. Rodgers Press, 1913) 150f; G.F. Taylor, The Second Coming of Jesus, (Falcon, NC: Falcon Publishing Co., 1916; Franklin Springs: PHC Publishing House, 1950); The Pentecostal Holiness Church Manual, 1985 (Franklin Springs: Advocate Press, 1986) 36. Robert F. Martin suggests that immediatist premillennialism remained central until the 1930s, and only then did it begin to wane, in "The Holiness-Pentecostal Revival in the Carolinas, 1896-1940," Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association (1979) 72.

70. The Way of Faith (July 23, 1908) 4, taken from The Christian.

71. Holiness Advocate (May 15, 1907) 5; Taylor, Spirit and the Bride, 106-111, 119-126. In their social histories of the Church of God and the Assemblies of God, respectively, Mickey Crews treats the Pentecostals' premillennialist eschatology in only the most peripheral manner, while Edith Blumhofer better recognizes its important role in Pentecostal culture. Synan hardly analyzes premillennialism at all except to mention it as one of the frequently stated Pentecostal doctrines. See Mickey Crews, Church of God: A Social History (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990); Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith; Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal Movement.

72. Synan, OTP, 71; Bridegroom's Messenger 1:1 (Oct 1, 1907) 4; Apostolic Evangel (August 15, 1909) 2; Apostolic Faith 1:7 (April 1907) 4. Goff's autobiography is filled with episodes of divine healing; see Florence Goff, Tests and Triumphs (Falcon, North Carolina: n.p., 1924). For examples of healing testimonies, see The Bridegroom's Messenger (Dec 15, 1907) 3f.

73. G.F. Taylor, 1908 Diary, in George Floyd Taylor Papers: 1870-1965 [hereinafter Taylor Papers], North Carolina State Archives Microfilm (P.C. 1610), especially entries for Jan 14, Feb 23, April 25, May 3-5, May 21, July 14, Nov 7.

74. Synan, OTP, 147-150; 165-171; Campbell, PHC, 277. See Crews, Church of God, 74-83, for an account of Church of God members whose extreme beliefs on healing similarly brought trouble with legal authorities and of the denomination's modification of its own healing doctrine.

75. Frank Bartleman, Azusa Street (Plainfield, NJ: Logos International, 1980 [1925]) 54. A useful account of the presence and decline of interraciality in Southern Pentecostal denominations is in Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, 165-184. Mason's church ordained numerous white ministers until the formation of the Assemblies of God in 1914, but whites mainly sought its credentials because it was incorporated and so its ministers could perform marriages and obtain reduced railroad rates; see Synan, p. 169f. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., "The Past: Historical Roots of Racial Unity and Division in American Pentecostalism," unpublished paper presented to Pentecostal Partners: A Reconciliation Strategy for 21st Century Ministry (Memphis, TN: October 17-19, 1994) 33, goes so far to say that the Assemblies of God is an "offspring" of Mason's Church of God in Christ. See also David E. Harrell, Jr., White Sects and Black Men in the Recent South (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1971) 94-96; Harold D. Hunter, "Church of God of Prophecy," Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, ed. by Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988) 208.

76. Edward L. Ayers, The Promise of the New South: Life After Reconstruction (NY: Oxford, 1992) 407. Ayers also observes that "during the years that marked one of the lowest points in American race relations, the Pentecostal movement remained almost uniquely open to exchange between blacks and whites"; p. 407. Synan considers the first years of Pentecostalism to have been a remarkable experiment based on racial equality and unity that unfortunately did not last, as Pentecostals eventually conformed to the prevailing laws and customs of their society, which proved more powerful than their own interracial roots. Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, 165-168. Anderson's conclusions are marked less by Synan's retrospective disappointment than by incorporation into his larger deterministic "misdirected social protest" argument. The early interracialism of Pentecostalism represented a "radical criticism of prevailing race relations and a radical departure from them." But racial prejudices "glossed over in the first flush of revival constituted a latent source of frustration and, hence, aggression," which boiled to the surface as the early emotionalism waned and the basically conservative nature of Pentecostalism's social orientation became more evident. Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited, 154, 196. Iain MacRobert argues that the demise of interracialism resulted from white Southern Pentecostals' own bigotry and disinclination to challenge regional mores; Southern churches were only "fleetingly touched" before they "destroyed Seymour's [interracial] dream on the altar of racial supremacy." Iain MacRobert, The Black Roots and White Racism of Early Pentecostalism in the USA (London: Macmillan Press, 1988) 66f, 94.

77. In Live Coals 3:9 (January 11, 1905) 3, Fuller wrote about trying to reach "his people" in Mississippi and of land promised by a white friend in Toccoa, Georgia providing Fuller would open a school on the property. Live Coals of Fire seemed never to stray from paying some attention to African Americans. Listed in all issues were two such ruling elders - W.E. Fuller and Alice M. McNeil -- and various ordained ministers like Isaac Gamble and Uncle Powell Woodbury. A number of stories highlight their specific contributions which, more often than not, were in the Southeast. See: Coals 1:1 (Oct 6, 1899) 8; Coals 1:4 (Oct 27, 1899) 1; Coals 1:5 (Nov 3, 1899) 1; Coals 1:6 (Nov 10, 1899) 1; Coals 1:7 (Dec 1, 1899) 2; Coals 1:10 (Jan 12, 1900) 3; Coals 1:11 (Jan 26, 1900) 1; Coals 1:15 (March 23, 1900) 7; Coals 1:16 (April 6, 1900) 3; Coals 1:20 (June 1, 1900) 5,8; Coals 1:21 (June 15, 1900) 4. cf. Discipline of the Fire-Baptized Holiness Church of God of the Americas (n.p., 1978). Not to be missed is the Irwin elder W.H. Fulford who helped organize the United Holy Church of America. Similar stories can be told about those who went on to be a part of the Church of God in Christ. Also see: G.F. Taylor, "Our Church History: Chapter I," Pentecostal Holiness Advocate (Jan 20, 1921) 9, who talks about pre-PHC Holiness meetings in North Carolina that was avoided by "decent folks" so "nobody but poor folks and negroes would take any part in them ..."

78. Synan, OTP, 107f. See also p. 74.

79. Synan, OTP, 73f, 100f, 148f; Cashwell report in Holiness Advocate (Oct 15, 1903) 8; Apostolic Faith (Jan 1907) 1; Taylor 1908 diary, June 7 entry, Taylor Papers.

80. Confidence (Sept 1912) 208.

81. Confidence (Sept 1912) 208f.

82. Memoirs of Richard Baxter Hayes, ed. by W.M. Hayes (Philadelphia: by the Author, 1945) 35.

83. The pages numbers for the cited references are as follows: 8, 4, 4, 3, 2. See: "Pentecost Among Colored People In Atlanta" Bridegroom's Messenger 2:45 (Sept 1, 1909) 3; "Work Among Colored People" about Troy, Alabama in Bridegroom's Messenger 3:17 (October 1, 1909) 3; "Work Among the Colored People at Biloxi, Miss" in Bridegroom's Messenger 3:49 (Nov 1, 1909) 3; report on Richmond, Virginia under the title "Work Among the Colored People," Bridegroom's Messenger 3:54 (Jan 15, 1910) 2; "Work Among the Colored People," Bridegroom's Messenger 3:60 (April 15, 1910) 4; F.W. Williams, "Work Among the Colored People in Biloxi, Miss" Bridegroom's Messenger 3:64 (June 15, 1910) 4.

84. Charles Parham's Apostolic Faith 2:2 (October, 1908) 8, calls Seymour "an African preacher". Missing issues of Live Coals, Holiness Advocate and the Apostolic Evangel might clarify this point.

85. Bridegroom's Messenger (March 1, 1909) 2-3; Nov 1, 1907, 2. Bartleman's accounts of Azusa, which the Way of Faith carried, mentioned the interracial character of the revival but not Seymour's racial identity; see Bartleman, Azusa Street. Ayers claims that Cashwell did not initially tell his audiences of his baptism at the hands of blacks, but even when he did they still willingly accepted the message, in Ayers, Promise, 407.

86. Synan, OTP, 100f, 153; Synan, Holiness-Pentecostal Movement, 165-184; King, Yet Speaketh, 125.

87. In his study of Georgia holiness people during the late 1800s, Briane Turley shows that contention often arose between pro- and anti-holiness forces within the Methodist church over the presence of women evangelists at holiness revivals; in Briane Turley, "A Wheel Within a Wheel: Southern Methodism and the Georgia Holiness Association," Georgia Historical Quarterly 75 (Summer 1991) 310-312. See also Nancy Hardesty, Lucille Sider Dayton, and Donald W. Dayton, "Women in the Holiness Movement: Feminism in the Evangelical Tradition," in Rosemary Reuther and Eleanor McLaughlin, eds., Women of Spirit: Female Leadership in the Jewish and Christian Traditions (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979); Ayers, Promise, 401f.

88. Campbell, PHC, 227, 233, 238, 247f, 262; V. Mayo Bundy, ed., A History of Falcon, North Carolina, Supplement Number One (Charlotte: Herb Eaton Historical Publications, 1986) 7f; Bridegroom's Messenger (Nov 1, 1907) 1; June 1, 1908, p. 2. Proceedings of the Eight Annual Convention of the Holiness Church of North Carolina, Wednesday November 20, 1908 at LaGrange (np: Nash Bros., 1908), p. 15, lists Bertha Maxwell has having been received as a minister in 1901. For the adventures of PHC minister Martha Edna Virden, see Annie Sue Virden, Laid Up Treasures: Life of Mrs. M. E. Virden (Franklin Springs: PHC Publishing House, 1939).

89. Live Coals of Fire 1:10 (Jan 12, 1900). The 1900 edition of the Constitution and General Rules of the Fire Baptized Association of America, Article X:4 made provision for the ordination of women. This document is available at pctii.org/arc/resources.html See King's flattering appraisal of Sarah Payne in Yet Speaketh, 110.

90. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., interview in Oakland, California (March 11, 1997).

91. Seymour quoted in Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, 172; Holiness Advocate 5:21 (March 1, 1906) 5.

92. Crews, Church of God, 17-18; Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, 172-175; David G. Roebuck, "Big Brother and the Lady Evangelist: The Masculinization of Evangelism in the Church of God," Memory and Hope, ed. by Grant Wacker (Toronto: Society for Pentecostal Studies, March 7-9, 1995); see also similar arguments in Letha Dawson Scanzoni and Susan Setta, "Women in Evangelical, Holiness, and Pentecostal Traditions," in Rosemary Reuther and Rosemary Keller, eds., Women and Religion in America, Vol. 3 (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1986) 229-233; Sheri R. Benvenuti, "Pentecostal Women in Ministry: Where Do We Go From Here?" Cyberjournal for Pentecostal-Charismatic Research [http://www.pctii.org/cybertab.html] January, 1997. Tomlinson, whose Church of God had a substantial number of female preachers, in 1916 wrote that in church business sessions "women are to keep silence, that is, they are to have no active part," in Tomlinson, Last Great Conflict, 59. The Church of God of Prophecy has placed some women in high profile positions.

93. Jeffrey A. Trexler, "From Chaos to Order: G.F. Taylor and the Evolution of Southern Pentecostalism," Continuity and Chance in the Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, edited by Murray Dempster (Dallas: Society for Pentecostal Studies, November 8-10, 1990) L-23f, writes of Taylor's emphasis on order in worship which downplays various forms of enthusiastic worship.

94. Holiness Advocate 3:4 (Feb. 15, 1903) 4; Synan, OTP, 58-61; Taylor, Spirit and the Bride, 43; Taylor, The Devil (Goldsboro: Nash Bros., 1907) 24.

95. In a telephone interview (10-9-90), Vinson Synan confirmed that although the IPHC discipline made provision for infant baptism, he had no direct knowledge of any actual infant baptism service carried out in the USA. The 1902 and 1908 PHC disciplines carried a ceremony for the baptism of infants. The 1911 constitution (reflecting the merger of PHC and FBHC) is void of any theological reflection on this deviation from the North American Pentecostal norm. The 1989 IPHC minutes and 1989 IPHC manual do not make reference to such a practice. However, since the measure has not been voted down it can be considered to remain in effect. This became particularly acute during successful IPHC affiliation talks with the Methodist Pentecostal Church in Chile. See: Constitution and General Rules of the Pentecostal Holiness Church (1911) 4f; Discipline of the Pentecostal Holiness Church (Franklin Springs: Advocate Press, 1957) 60, 64; Pentecostal Holiness Church Manual (Franklin Springs: Advocate Press, 1973) 71, 78f; D.J. Wilson, "Church Membership," Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 197; Correspondence (5-21-91) from Smith Haley.

96. Campbell, PHC, 227.

97. Holiness Advocate 3:13 (July 15, 1903) 4; Holiness Advocate 3:15 (Aug 1, 1903) 4; Synan, OTP, 72-78, Campbell, PHC, 231-238. Crumpler's position on alcohol closely resembled his tobacco stance. Live Coals 4:30 (July 25, 1906) 2, included an ad for anti-tobacco tracts and The Common Use of Tobacco: Condemned by Physicians, Experience, Common Sense and the Bible by A. Sims.

98. Campbell, PHC, 251, 261; Jessyca Russell Gaver, Pentecostalism (New York: Award Books, 1971) 102f. J.H. King remained single for thirty years after his first wife divorced him, remarrying only after she died; in Synan, OTP, 151f.

99. For legal calls see Holiness Advocate 3:4 (Feb 15, 1903) 4; Bridegroom's Messenger (Nov 1, 1907) 4; for rescue homes see Bridegroom's Messenger (March 1, 1908) 1; April 15, 1908, 2. Also: Campbell, PHC, chapter IV. There was also an orphanage in Franklin Springs from 1919 until 1921.

100. Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited, 114f; Synan, Pentecostal-Holiness Movement, 177.

101. Turley, "Southern Methodism and the Georgia Holiness Association," 295-300; Crews, Church of God, 6; Harold D. Hunter, "Beniah At The Apostolic Crossroads: Little Noticed Crosscurrents of B.H. Irwin, Charles Fox Parham, Frank Sandford, A.J. Tomlinson," Memory and Hope, edited by Grant Wacker (Toronto: Society for Pentecostal Studies, March 7-9, 1996). Those who think otherwise should attempt to read all the periodicals produced by early pentecostals. Also see Edward L. Ayers, The Promise of the New South, 408, who shows that pentecostals did not come from the "backwaters" of the South "but in the very places that had experienced the greatest change over the preceding fifty years." Cecil M. Robeck, Jr., Heritage (1983) 4, quotes the Los Angeles Times (July 23, 1906) which describes those in Smales' New Testament Church who spoke in tongues were "prosperous-appearing, tastefully-dressed and cultured-looking assembly." The Los Angeles Times (September 19, 1906) focused on Dr. Henry S. Kees, directing surgeon of the Emergency and General Hospital.

102. Holiness Advocate (May 15, 1907) 1; Apostolic Evangel 1:7 (May 15, 1909) 3; Bridegroom's Messenger (Dec 1, 1907) 1; June 15, 1908, p. 2. Both of Cashwell's reports concerned meetings outside of North Carolina. In 1951, Joseph Campbell, PHC, 521, warned the PHC against losing it appeal "to the socially-disinherited groups" pointing out that established churches "are on the whole unable to minister to the economically-disfranchised and socially-inferior groups."

103. Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited, 98-113; Holiness Advocate (April 15, 1901) 2; Taylor 1908 Diary, especially Aug 3, Dec 31 entries, Taylor Papers; Mary Louise Butler, A Butler Family History of Sampson County, North Carolina (Charlotte: Delmar Printers, 1972) 99f.

104. This point is made in Robert F. Martin, "The Holiness-Pentecostal Revival in the Carolinas, 1896-1940," Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association (1979) 74.

105. See H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (New York: H. Holt and Co., 1929); Liston Pope, Millhands and Preachers: A Study of Gastonia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942); David O. Moberg, The Church as a Social Institution: The Sociology of American Religion, 2nd ed., (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1984) 100-113; Harrell, White Sects and Black Men in the Recent South.

106. Synan, OTP, 72, 120, 128-132; Bridegroom's Messenger (April 15, 1908) 1.

107. Campbell, PHC, 270-289.

108. Synan, OTP, 170. Also, the PHC had established itself as a denomination that did not need to join another organization.

109. Synan, OTP, 133-140, 179; Dillard L. Wood and William H. Preskitt, Jr., Baptized With Fire: A History of the Pentecostal Fire-Baptized Holiness Church (Franklin Springs: Advocate Press, 1982) 22-31.

110. See Harold D. Hunter, "'Full Communion': A Pentecostal Prayer," Ecumenical Trends 37:1 (January 2008) 1-7, 15.  Pentecostal Holiness Church Manual: 1973 (Franklin Springs, GA: Advocate Press, n.d.) 13, wrongly gives the date as January 30, 1911. cf. Synan, OTP, 129-131.

111. Synan, OTP, 136.

112. Grant Wacker, "A Profile of American Pentecostalism," Pastoral Problems in the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement, ed. by Harold D. Hunter (Cleveland, TN: Society for Pentecostal Studies, November 3-5, 1983) 18.

113. See Synan, "Pentecostal Holiness Church," ERS, 583.

114. See: J.H. King, “My Visit to the Rio Grande Valley,” Pentecostal Holiness Advocate 14:48 (April 2, 1931) 11f; J.H. King, “My Visit to the Rio Grande Valley: No. 3,” Pentecostal Holiness Advocate  14:49 (April 9, 1931) 6f; A.M. Lopez, “Report,” Pentecostal Holiness Advocate 14:50  (April 16, 1931) 6;  J.H. King, “The South Texas and Mexican Conference,” Pentecostal Holiness Advocate  15:3  (May 14, 1931) 7; Letter from Esteban Lopez, Pentecostal Holiness Advocate  15:16 (Aug 13, 1931) 10; J.A. Killebrew, “Report of South Texas and Mexico Conference,” Pentecostal Holiness Advocate  15:29 (Nov 12, 1931) 5f.

 

 

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